Lafayette in America

June 23, 2025

As we approach the celebration of the 250th anniversary of the United States, a strange, seldom-used word is becoming part of our discourse. “Semiquincentennial” is a mouthful to say, but it is already appearing in the press in an era more used to bicentennials.

I stated in an earlier blog that America would be focusing on the marquis de Lafayette’s return to our soil in 1824-25. At the invitation of President James Monroe and with the enthusiastic cooperation of many municipalities and groups, Lafayette toured our young, expanding country for thirteen months in his late-sixties.  At that time, two dozen states showered him with tributes and adulation that even his own country could not have matched. Indeed, the marquis and his living male descendants had been declared on 12 December 1784 as “natural born” citizens of Maryland by its General Assembly, under the Articles of Confederation. Over two centuries later, this status was further clarified and expanded. In 2002, by Act of Congress, Lafayette joined an exclusive list of foreigners given honorary American citizenship since 1963 – Winston Churchill, Raoul Wallenberg, William and Hannah Callowhill Penn, Mother Teresa of Calcutta, and two other Revolutionary War heroes, Casimir Pulaski and Bernardo de Gálvez. Frankly, it would be an enormous task to count all the communities, townships, counties, squares, streets, institutions, and monuments named for the admired Frenchman.

Lafayette the teenager came to America as an idealist seeking la gloire yet left as a dedicated veteran and an even greater advocate of human rights than most of our forefathers. Putting comfort, personal fortune and family reputation on the line, the young man’s courage and demeanor endeared him to George Washington, who took him under his wings, increased his responsibilities, and considered him as a son. After his military feats in America, Lafayette built on his reputation as a patriot and statesman in his native country, surviving exile and many political eras until his death in 1834.

Hopefully, history lovers have been able to take advantage of the many Lafayette salutes offered to the public these past few months. Here in the DC-Baltimore region, two particular events in the fall of 2024 attracted Lafayette bicentennial fans. Dr. François Furstenberg, author of When the United States Spoke French: Five Refugees who Shaped a Nation (2014), gave a fine presentation on “America’s Rockstar” at the Maryland Center for History and Culture in Baltimore on Thursday evening, October 10, as part of the ongoing Wye Oak Lecture Series. Shortly afterward, La Maison Française at the French Embassy in Washington hosted a conference entitled “The Multi-Faceted and Multi-Talented Marquis de Lafayette” on Tuesday evening, October 15. The latter involved several scholars representing the embassy, the Foundation Chambrun, the Smithsonian Museum of American History, the American Friends of Lafayette, the Lafayette Trail, Inc., and the Karsh Institute of Democracy at the University of Virginia.

While the commemoration will be rapidly coming to a close on September 8, 2025, it is worth checking out such sites as https://thelafayettetrail.org, www.friendsoflafayette.org, and www.lafayette200.org for videos, maps, and other features that can be accessed by future travelers.

Just for the record, listed below is a log of Lafayette in Maryland and Virginia in 1824-25:

7-11 October 1824:     Baltimore

12-17 October:            Washington, DC

18-19 October:            Yorktown, VA

20-22 October:            Williamsburg

22-25 October:            Norfolk

26-29 October:            Richmond, with overnight at Petersburg

30 Oct – 2 Nov:            Richmond

4-15 November:          Monticello area, with Thomas Jefferson et al.

15-19 November:        Montpelier area, with Madison et al.

24-29 November:        Baltimore

17-21 December:        Annapolis

26-28 December:        Baltimore

28-31 December:        Frederick, MD

19-20 January 1825:   Baltimore, before going to Norfolk and Richmond

28-29 January:            Baltimore

3-4 February:              quick stop in Baltimore

30 July – 1 August:      Baltimore

2-6 August:                  Washington

10-13 August:              Washington

14-15 August:              Fredericksburg, VA

16-19 August:              Monticello

20 August:                   Charlottesville

21-22 August:              Monticello/Montpelier, leaves for Culpeper and Warrenton

25-29 August:              Washington

29-31 August:              Woodlawn Plantation and Mount Vernon

31 Aug – 8 Sep:           Washington

Perhaps it is a good time for re-reading the account of Lafayette’s visits to Baltimore, Annapolis, and Frederick in Becoming the Frenchified State of Maryland, pp. 422-34, exploring Alan R. Hoffman’s translation of Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825 (2006), or ordering Mike Duncan’s excellent paperback, Hero of Two Worlds: The Marquis de Lafayette in the Age of Revolution (2021), which covers his entire political life.

Vive L’Acadie et L’Acadiana

June 24, 2025

Last August I was fortunate to participate in my sixth Congrès Mondial Acadien. Having only missed the first one in Moncton, New Brunswick, in 1994 when publicity did not quite reach many of us descendants and historians here in the States, I have never been disappointed with the camaraderie, enthusiasm, and scholarship associated with every CMA. Each of these extravaganzas involves a lot of local and regional planning years in advance, music, conferences, family reunions, and the like, and all have taken place in the Canadian Maritimes except for the CMA in southwestern Louisiana in 1999.

Memories of the 2024 Congrès are still alive chez nous: a long road trip to Nova Scotia aided by the CAT ferry connecting Bar Harbor and Yarmouth; enjoyable outings in Pubnico and at various beaches and coves along the Baie Ste-Marie; the opening day at Pointe-de-l’Église that began with a storm; constant rencontres with Louisiana friends; a most comfortable multiday séjour at the Harbourview Inn in Smith’s Harbor near Digby; return visits to Annapolis Royal and Grand-Pré; a drive to Scots Bay/Cape Split; Guidry, Broussard, and Morin reunions in St-Alphonse, Annapolis Royal, and Belleisle Hall (Granville Ferry); fear and sadness that our aging and structurally-needy friend, St. Mary’s Church at Pointe-de-l’Église, is on the verge of demolition; a day in the artsy Mi’kmaq town of Bear River; delicious fish, local dishes, and chowders; Luckett’s and Blomidon vineyards; relaxing, traffic-free roads; the unique local French dialect; briefly meeting ex-Prime Minister Justin Trudeau; and the joyful tintamarre in downtown Yarmouth on August 15. Each visit to a Maritime province over the years has had for us its own particular character. Even after twelve days, destination choices had to be carefully considered as we shuttled up and down the coast.

While distance has not completely prevented Acadians and Cajuns from enjoying the cultural fruits of either country, Louisiana also created its own individual fête, Le Grand Reveil Acadien/The Great Acadian Awakening, in 2011, when it became clear that the original Acadian homeland preferred to regularly host the CMA by itself every five years.

This year’s Grand Réveil festivities in Louisiana will take place from October 11-18. As the program is being developed, expect an opening day in Abbeville (as in 2022); the concurrent Festivals Acadiens et Créoles in Lafayette’s Girard Park; a tintamarre through the streets of Lafayette; a Genealogy Day at Vermilionville; family gatherings; community days in Loreauville, St. Martinville, and Broussard; and a closing ceremony in Church Point. As more precision becomes available, check out these websites: https://louisianeacadie.com, https://festivalsacadiens.com, https://acadiatourism.org, https://vermilion.org.

Past CMAs (every fifth August):

1994: Moncton and other communities in New Brunswick

1999: Southwestern Louisiana communities

2004: Nova Scotia – Pointe-de-l’Église (Church Point), Grand-Pré, and Windsor

2009: New Brunswick’s Acadian Peninsula – Shippagan, Caraquet, Néguac

2014: New Brunswick, Québec, and northern Maine – St. John River Valley, Edmundston and Grand Falls (NB), Madawaska and Aroostook County (ME)

2019: New Brunswick – Moncton area and Prince Edward Island

2024: Nova Scotia – Yarmouth and Clare regions

2029: New Brunswick/Québec – Campbellton, La Baie-des-Chaleurs, and southern Gaspésie

GRAs in Louisiana: 2011, 2015, 2022, 2025

In Memoriam, Antonine Maillet

June 24, 2025

This past February 17, Acadie’s greatest voice was no more. Antonine Maillet, age 95, passed away in Montreal.  Her literary career began in the 1950s, when she was a nun known as Sister Marie-Grégoire.  Her first play, L’Entr’Acte, was performed in 1957; her début novel, Pointe-aux-coques, appeared soon after. Maillet’s studies and teaching began in New Brunswick and expanded to France and Québec. By the time that she earned a doctorate in literature from the Université Laval in 1970, she had received several prizes and scholarships. A year later, her signature drama, La Sagouine, was first staged in Moncton. End credits in the 1997 Bibliothèque Québecoise edition of La Sagouine trace her life and career to that point in time.  An amazing number of honorary doctorates had been bestowed on her since 1972 and that number would continue to grow to thirty or so during a noted career that produced twenty novels and twelve plays. The noted author and playwright was a noted scholar of François Rabelais, whose sixteenth-century language greatly influenced her art.

Eventually, she graced more than just the literary world, for she would serve as chancellor of the Université de Moncton from 1989-2000 and as chancellor emeritus after her retirement. It is no surprise that French President Emmanuel Macron made her a commander in his country’s Légion d’Honneur in 2021.

I first ‘met’ Antonine Maillet, Acadie’s most outstanding writer and advocate, by reading Pélagie-la-Charrette, an acclaimed masterpiece that appeared in 1979 and won the prestigious Prix Goncourt. The work requires patience and adaptation to the unique colloquialisms of her people, but it depicts all the grit, determination, and resilience of a displaced woman leading families back to the homeland in the 1770s. In its folksy yet deep narration, expect to discover the soul of a “nation.” The book transcends actual fact and prominently focuses on the town of Baltimore on pages 124 to 155 in my old livre de poche edition. This stands as an extraordinary work of fiction – not a genealogical treasure trove nor an accurate depiction of the fledgling Catholic community and the very real struggle of keeping the town’s simple church open to the public. In actuality, little St. Peter’s in Baltimore was far from being an église blanche au coeur de la ville, possessed no permanent pastor or official registry until 1782, and only welcomed an Abbé Robin, Rochambeau’s army chaplain, in events centered on the Yorktown military campaign! Pélagie’s joy over hearing a Frenchman chanting in Latin was yet to take place in 1774. Nevertheless, Baltimore was a refuge for a small core of exiles, or French Neutrals, mainly in a poor Francophone quarter near the harbor, still about two decades or so away from strongly establishing itself as a business district and center of ambitious mariners.

A quarter of a century after discovering the beauty of Maillet’s prose, I had my one and only opportunity to meet the icon in person on Monday afternoon, August 2, 2004, on the campus of the small Nova Scotian Université-Sainte-Anne, at Pointe-de l’Église, a community on the shores of the Baie Sainte-Marie. My school had gifted me a unique professional experience, which included a five-day seminar at the institution examining “what would represent a vibrant Acadie in the year 2020.” Each day focused on a certain theme. Day 1 was entitled “Art, Culture, and Heritage,” and Mme Maillet’s hour centered on Acadie and the Global Village.  It was an honor to greet her at the conclusion of her talk and to share a copy of my second book, Acadians in Maryland.

A final farewell for Antonine Maillet took place at the Notre-Dame-de-l’Assomption cathedral, in Moncton, on April 12.

[Some of this article was prepared from the an obituary prepared by the Salon Frenette Funeral Home, Moncton, and other sources reacting to her death.]

Canada Day

July 1, 2025

Badly chosen comments in the last few months have severely strained relations between the United States and our friends in Canada. Without getting into personalities and alleged economic and security issues, it is best to celebrate proudly our similarities and long-standing friendship and hope for better days.

Perhaps one good way is to acknowledge all the scholarship that the Centre d’études acadiennes at Université de Moncton has contributed to exploring history and genealogy over many decades. I can only begin to scratch the surface by saluting and thanking three well-known individuals – Stephen A. White, Paul Delaney, and Ronnie-Gilles Le Blanc – who have worked a lifetime continuing the research of their pioneering predecessors. Stephen has the greatest profile here in the States. He is chiefly responsible for the Dictionnaire Généalogique des Familles Acadiennes, two volumes dedicated to Acadian lives in their first century in the Maritimes.  On my first visit to Moncton in August 1983, Stephen welcomed a very inexperienced researcher to his office and home. Just like Dr. Carl Brasseaux in Lafayette, Louisiana, he was very willing to introduce me to a field that still refreshes my soul forty-plus years later. His colleagues Delaney and Le Blanc may not have received the same credit over the years south of the border, but, because of them, we know so much more about the dynamics of the deportation in Grand-Pré, Rivière-aux-Canards, and Pisiguit (Pigiguit).

Over the last few months, I have been preparing a new presentation on the Maryland exile and I am so fortunate that “The Moncton Three” have provided so much documentation on Acadians and their tragic displacement from mid-summer to late fall 1755 and beyond. In August 2024, I found a copy of Delaney’s La Liste de Winslow Expliquée (2020) in the sales area at the Grand-Pré historical site and was immediately impressed with its content.  I have since spent many hours consulting that work and updating my own detailed analysis of the 1763 census of Maryland Neutrals that appeared on pages 69 to 186 in Acadians in Maryland (see francomaryland.com/lagniappe/ appendix-60-revisiting-the-1763-maryland-acadian-census. Breaking down the deportation process by specific names and villages has added so much to my Maryland narrative.

I might add, as well, that Delaney’s and Le Blanc’s studies work well in conjunction with Don Landry’s research on the ships used in the “Great Upheaval.” Landry shows the intricacies of transporting thousands, as each vessel has a separate mission and personality. How many of us realize that the expulsion involved more than just Governors Lawrence and Shirley and officers Winslow and Murray, but also the complicity of Boston merchants who provided the necessary transports, captains, and crews? And we should not forget that our Virginia forefathers rejected their exiles and kept them detained at anchor for months before forcing them out across the Atlantic.

June, July, and August are months of commemoration on both sides of the border.  May we not forget days of regional and national pride beginning with the Québecois Fête de St-Jean-Baptiste on June 24 and ending with Assumption, the Acadian National holiday on August 15.

At the moment, let it be known that our Canadian friends are celebrating the pronouncement of July 1, 1867 that initially brought together New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Ontario, and Québec into a confederation. Moreover, July 1 continues as a date of additional importance, marking the creation of a national holiday in 1879 and official recognition of “O Canada” as the national anthem in 1980. So, whether it be Canada Day, the Fourth of July, or the lesser-known July 28th that focuses on the fateful Acadian deportation order from Halifax in 1755, let’s give a shout-out for liberty whether singing “o’er the land of the free,” standing guard for “the True North strong and free,” or chanting a verse or two of Ave Maris Stella.

The Deschamps in the Chesapeake and Louisiana

[With the collaboration of Sherry Northington] 

July 2, 2024

Over the years, I have been blessed by contributions and communications from a number of Acadian descendants.  It is such a pleasure to “talk shop” and share experiences with individuals in Louisiana, Texas, and here in the Chesapeake region.  Family and regional research has no particular ending point, since new details, letters, diaries, and newspaper items are being uncovered all the time.    

I am most appreciative of many past contributors and collaborators, such as Marty Guidry, Sean Carney, Scott Regner, Marie Rundquist, and Stan Piet.  Recent correspondence with Sherry Northington, a Deschamps descendant, has been particularly fruitful.  Mrs. Northington re-introduced me to her fifth great-grandmother, née Françoise Deschamps. I fondly remember how much I learned about her family from Henryetta (Dee) de Shields Callahan over three decades ago. Both of these contemporaries descend from children of Louis Deschamps and Marie Tibodot, who spent their earliest years in Baltimore before moving in separate directions to Louisiana and Virginia. In 1989, Mrs. Callahan shared letters which she graciously allowed to be published in my Guide to the Acadians in Maryland in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (1995, and still readily available from Amazon Books). She was directly related to Joseph (through descendants of his son Henry Clay Deshields); Mrs. Northington is connected to Joseph’s sister Françoise (through descendants of Matilda Lefort Hunter). 

To quickly review the Deschamps history in Maryland, parents Louis Deschamps and Marie Tibodot (Tibodeau) appeared on the Snow Hill enumeration of Acadians (1763).  At that time, there was only one child, daughter Marie.  Looking ahead to Louis’s death date, he would have been born most likely ca. 1734, while Marie was definitely born in Acadia on 6 April 1737 (DBR 1a:191/SGA-2, 160).  That makes the Deschamps in their mid- to late twenties in Snow Hill.  Among 68 Neutrals in that Eastern Shore community were Marie’s father, Charles Tibodot (b. 1711), a widower with six other children from his marriage to Anne Marie Melançon (the widow of Charles Babin) in 1735.  The children remaining with him were all born since 1741. The penultimates, Osite and Magdelaine, were fifteen-year-old twins born in 1748; the youngest, Jean Baptiste, arrived after many records “disappeared” in the last years in Acadia before the deportation. It is significant to note that their sibling Anne (b. 1743) married Joseph Goudreau (Guthrow) in Newtown, Maryland, on 9 February 1766, and resided in Baltimore with husband Joseph until her death in 1822.  Father Charles had other plans: he left Snow Hill for Philadelphia, where he wed Madeleine Doiron on 19 July 1764, just months before his daughter Marie Cécile united with Paul Blanchard there on 19 October 1764. 

Before continuing our story of Louis and Marie Deschamps, I want to remind readers that the aforementioned sister Anne (Guthrow) was the subject of an earlier blog.1  Anne’s first-born – also named Ann(e)- married Peter A. Renaudet in Baltimore (1793) and gave birth to one daughter, Mary C. Victor (b. 1794).  This grandchild married Jacob Hertzog in 1818, with the two Hertzog children – John Renaudet (b. 1819) and Juliana (b. 1820) – venturing to Louisiana later in life to join their Deschamps relatives in St. James Parish. 

To no one’s surprise, the Acadian surnames most remembered in the early annals of Baltimore were the Gottro (Guthrow), LeBlanc (White), Gould (Gold), and Deschamps (Deshields) families. 

Father Louis Deschamps first purchased property in Baltimore on 10 June 1773.  This land was located on the east side of Hanover Street, one block to the west of South Charles Street, in what was known as “French Town.” The elder Deschamps couple remained in Baltimore until their deaths: Louis, 23 November 1802, age 68; Marie Magdalen, buried 9 November 1808, age 70, due to debility. They had six issue over the years. 

Their eldest child, Marie (Polly), had been the first to marry, back on 21 July 1782, to John Latreite (Latruite/Latreyte).  This took place before St. Peter’s Catholic Church had a regular pastor and parish registry.  Whatever the case, John and Polly did not have their vows recertified in the Church until 15 March 1794!  By 1796, however, Polly was a widow residing at 32 S. Charles Street. The Latruites had a son, John Baptist (b. 7 January 1784; baptized 20 February 1784). Apparently, John and Polly had no other family Catholic baptisms recorded in Baltimore, but the Latruite surname does appear in city directories in the first decade of the 19th century: Anthony (1802, 34 S. Charles Street, mariner), John (1810, 30 S. Charles, silversmith), and the widow (again in 1802, 34 S. Charles; and in 1804, as a “gentlewoman”). 

The only two Deschamps sons, Joseph and Samuel, were born in 1770 and 1771, respectively, and both found career employment on the water.  Capt. Joseph (Deshields) spent his earliest years of marriage to Mary Martin in the city and eventually moved to Virginia, where he twice remarried and died in Heathsville, Northumberland County, in 1854. Brother Samuel (Deshields), a brig pilot, passed away on 5 July 1797.2 In spite of this significant Deschamps footprint in Maryland, only a Carré wedding in 1812 would have a noticeable family impact on Baltimore throughout the nineteenth century.  On 16 July of that year, Mary Magdalen Carré wed Stephen Honeywell at St. Peter’s. In nearly thirteen years of marriage, the Honeywells had seven children before spouse Mary Magdalen died in April 1825, at the age of 30.  

Three of the Maryland Deshields (Deschamps) sisters would enjoy their last years together in nineteenth-century Louisiana.  Elizabeth Glavéry (spelled Glavary/Glavarry), Magdalen Carré, and Françoise (Fanny) Isoard/Lefort all had led interesting lives up north beforehand. 

Let’s first consider Fanny.  Her first spouse, Joseph Isoard, is somewhat of a mystery, even though she and her sister Mary Magdalen were both wed in Baltimore by Rev. Francis Beeston on the same October day in 1793. In fact, it was a banner year for the Catholic Francophone community in town – 7 marriages involving persons of West Indian origins; 10 uniting an Acadian descendant with a non-Acadian! Both sisters’ marriages in the church registry were followed by three signatures (Carré, Isoard, and A. Renaudet), which were exactly the same for the 17 November 1793 ceremony for Peter Abrahan Renaudet and Ann Guttrow. Of course, Ann Guttrow was their first cousin. A family affair, for sure! Looking ahead in time, Fanny would serve as a sponsor for three baptisms at St. Peter’s Catholic Church – her niece Elizabeth Glavary (1 January 1795), Francis C. Cicéron (6 November 1797), and Julia Adoue (2 July 1798); Magdalen fulfilled the same duty for her nieces and nephews John Baptist LaTreite (1784), Mary M. A. Glavary (1797), Joseph A. Deshields (1799), and Mary Matilda Isoard (1800).    

Fanny Deschamps Isoard remarried on 12 July 1799 at St. Paul’s Episcopal Church, Baltimore.  There is no mention of the fate of her first spouse Joseph. The next day’s edition of the Federal Gazette and Daily Advertiser states that Rev. Mr. [John] Ireland performed the evening nuptials uniting Fanny with Louis François Isidore Lefort, also a resident of the city. 

The following event is, however, where genealogists pull out their hair. A year after this reported marriage, a child, Mary Mat(h)ilda Isoard was born on 17 July 1800.  Her baptismal record from St. Peter’s Catholic Church on 24 July only mentions Frances (Fanny) Isoard as the parent, with godparents Francis Glavar(r)y and Magdalen Carré.  Moreover, an enslaved person by the name of John was baptized the same day, with his parents Saul and Nelly named as slaves of Mrs. Isoard.  Where was Louis Lefort at that moment and why wasn’t his name used with the newly baptized?   

It has now been proven that Lefort was not in Baltimore but in New Orleans in the summer of 1800. The answer is found in a century-old article authored by Henry P. Dart, who wrote about a “wandering French scholar” who presented himself before Don Nicolás María Vidal, interim governor of Louisiana, seeking authorization to open a school in the city.3 From a translation from Spanish provided for the journal, Luis Francisco Lefort expressed a desire to “establish a house of education in this city to teach there the First Letters, Grammar, universal and particular, The Languages, Latin, French and English, Arithmetic, Elemental [sic?] Astronomy, Geography, and History.”4 Lefort’s petition and its acceptance are recorded for the dates of 9 June, 23 July and 24 July 1800. 

In his presentation to the authorities that summer, Lefort promoted his many years of experience as an educator, relating that he had been first certified by Governor Chacón on the Spanish island of Trinidad on 20 December 1786.  The process of naturalization in 1786 had taken eleven days from the first application, but since Lefort was then married and said to have 20,000 pesos to his name, he was easily considered to be an honorable candidate to take an oath of “fealty and vassalage.” He was also a Catholic who could easily pay 150 reales in fees to government representatives and the local priest. 

Although Spanish Louisiana still required Lefort to jump through a few bureaucratic hoops, he was accepted once again as a “vassal” because of his experience and religion. There is, of course, a certain irony in the affair, with Françoise Deschamps in the last days of pregnancy back in Baltimore resulting from a union performed by an Episcopalian priest a year before. While Louis François was away dealing with Louisiana authorities, his daughter Mary Mat(h)ilda was born and baptized the very week that Governor Vidal approved of his next venture!  

Louis himself had his own personal baggage to contend with. He had been married prior to meeting Fanny and seems to have abandoned his family along the way.  A look at “Caribbean, English Settlers in Barbados, 1637-1800” (St. Michael’s Anglican Parish, RL 1/5, p. 546 [image 216], noted on ancestry.com/ discoveryui-content/view/16047:61463) reveals that a Margaret Rosalinda, daughter of Louis Francis Isidore Lefort and his wife Anne Catherine Buhot, was born on 29 August 1791 and baptized on 28 November 1791. Further research shows that Louis was born in Rouen, France, on 2 February 1765.  At the age of 20, in 1785, he married Mlle Buhot there and had at least two prior children with her in Martinique: Jean Marie Isidore (b. 11 February 1787; bapt. 21 February 1787, at St-Pierre-Le-Mouillage) and Marie Auguste François (b. 2 December 1788; bapt. 18 December 1788, at St-Pierre-Le-Fort).5 Later in life, Margaret Rosalinda would catch up to her father’s second family in Louisiana as she neared the age of 40! 

In any case, here was Louis Lefort teaching in the West Indies, Baltimore, and New Orleans.  Whatever his time in Maryland, he claimed that he had been employed there in “an Academy or College accredited to Baltimore whose Director or Principal is a clergyman much esteemed by the Bishop Senor O. Carol.” This comment would obviously draw a historian to the Rev. William DuBourg, who, after a difficult presidency at Georgetown College from 1796 to 1799, was then in the earliest days of establishing St. Mary’s Academy in Baltimore with three pupils from Havana and a few Francophones. According to Alison Foley, longtime assistant in the Sulpician Archives, there is no existing evidence at the present St. Mary’s Seminary and University in Roland Park to confirm his employment. 

How long after the appointment in New Orleans did it take for Françoise Isoard and daughter to join her new spouse? And what was going on with Louis’s first spouse in France? Anne Catherine still must have felt that he would eventually return to her, for, in 1808, in search of an errant brother, she continued to claim her marriage as binding, being described as the “épouse de Louis-Isidor Lefort, domiciliés à Rouen, rue de la Chaîne, no. 12. . .” (Note the use of the plural and the presumption that he was back in Normandy!) 

Adequate documentation is available to create a timeline for Lefort’s continued presence in Louisiana. A son, Louis Theodore (Luis Theodosio) was born on 22 December 1802, though a baptism did not take place until several months after, on 12 June 1803. One can safely assume that Françoise had now joined him down south. 

Lefort’s reputation did not take long to be established. In fact, there was enough respect and support for Lefort’s methodology that he had his previously published language manual, The first step to the French tongue (1795), reprinted for him in Baltimore by Warner & Hanna in 1809.6 Researchers can also find some contemporary observations by Charles Gayarré of the polished but stern teacher living in a house on the Foucher plantation ca. 1811-1814. Gayarré remembered him as not being averse to administering corporal punishment to undisciplined students!7 A few years later, Charles M. Conrad wrote his brother Alfred about his studies at a Lefort Academy from 29 July 1817 to 18 June 1819.8 Nearly a decade later, Louis (then listed as Lewis Francis Isidore Le Fort in his will written on 27 May 1828), described himself as a “master of a Classical academy . . . residing in the parish of Orleans. . . in a state of good health and sound mind and memory.”9 

Lefort does seem to be listed on the 1810 and 1820 U. S. Census for New Orleans.  The 1830 U. S. census (obviously readied well before his death in Louisiana) shows him in a large household, with one White male (45 and over), two White females (26-44 years old), eight enslaved persons, and six others. 

According to the digitized probate originals (Louisiana, U. S., Wills and Probate Records, 1756-1984, images 279-332, ancestry.com)10, Louis passed away on 7 July 1829.  His son-in-law, George Heriot Hunter, provided supporting data for the estate inventory in late July and August that summer. The frais d’enterrement totaled 164.50 piastres, as payment for a tomb and to compensate the New Orleans St. Louis church fabrique, three clergymen, three acolytes, four cantors, a verger, and a sacristan (image 312). In addition, the day required the hire of eight carriages. 

So, here a mystery is partially unlocked.  I quote the third and fourth paragraphs of his 1828 will: 

I declare that owing to my fatal passion for gaining, unsuccessful speculations and untowards [?] events connected with the transaction of my life, my property has been considerably diminished and is now of inconsiderable value, being limited at this moment to my personal apparel and to two slaves named John about eighteen years of age, and Harriet about twenty five, my furniture having been relinquished to Mrs Françoise Deschamps in consideration of various sums of money she supplies me with to send to France.

I give all the disposable portion of my property to the children of my affectionate daughter, Mary Matilda, wife of George H. Hunter, she being my natural daughter had with Françoise Deschamps and whom I have acknowledged before Carlile Pollock, one of the notaries public in the city of New Orleans, on the ninth of April A.D. 1828.  This donation I make, being the only one I could devise upon the best to shew [show] her my gratitude for the uncommon trouble she has been at in helping me in my school at different times and particularly of late.

Clearly, he refers to Mary Matilda as being born out of wedlock (une fille naturelle, as the French would say) in spite of dates from Baltimore to the contrary.  Perhaps, it had been due to questions about Louis then being bound by previous vows! 

From Lefort’s own hand, we must conclude that bad decisions, obligations to others across the Atlantic, and gambling had caused him to stumble many times and to finally admit his precarious situation and dependence on Fanny’s resources.  After his passing the next year, she is referred to as “Mistress Françoise Deschamps at whose house the said deceased made his residence, and where we take the present Inventory.” At this point, all his school materials are mentioned (benches, globes, desks, dictionaries, grammars, books, tables, and a dozen chairs worth $119), with less than $300 more in valuables and his greatest assets – the two enslaved individuals – worth $1100. It is not unusual in Louisiana, however, that women are referenced by maiden names, but Louis appears to be regarded as less than her equal.  From other documents not mentioned here, we also get the impression that Françoise had invested more wisely and held other properties in her own name. As for Louis, everything points to an irresponsible man married to a woman covering his indebtedness and giving him a place to teach and to sleep! 

In public, however, Lefort’s passing was viewed in a much more dignified manner: 

Après des souffrances longues et aigües, que n’ont pu abréger ni adoucir les soins tendres et assidus de sa famille, de ses amis réunis autour de son lit de mort, Mr. Louis François Isidore Le Fort vient de terminer une vie qu’il a toujours consacrée à l’instruction publique : il a rendu le dernier soupir hier, (le 27) à 9 heures du matin.  Il était âgé de 66 ans. 

(After long and acute sufferings that the tender and diligent care of family and friends gathered around his deathbed could not shorten nor soothe, Mr. Louis François Isidore LeFort has just ended a life that he always devoted to public education.  He breathed his last yesterday the 27th at 9 in the morning.  He was 66 years old.)11 

As previously stated, Margaret Rosalinda (Rosalie), Louis Lefort’s youngest child from his first marriage, contested her father’s succession soon after his passing.  Then living in Cloutierville, Natchitoches, Louisiana, she hired a notaire to write to her “half-sister” Mary Matilda Hunter on 2 September 1830 to ask for a payment of 300 piastres (dollars) from the estate! 

Rosalinda (Rosalie) was herself in a second marriage.  She had wed Jean Jacques Neveu in Rouen, France, on 22 April 1811,12 and then became the wife of Benoît Guillaume Aimable Laurent(s) on 3 April 1828.13  Benoît was a native of Basse-Normandie, France, and, like Louis LeFort, he was a teacher in Louisiana.14  

Research shows that there were perhaps four children from the Neveu-Lefort marriage: Valérie Zoë (b. in Rouen), Christophe (b. 4 July 1820; bapt. 17 July 1821; SLR 2, 686/SM Ch.: vol. 7, #1062), Alfred (b. 1823 – d. 4 March 1899), and Alphonse (b. 6 November 1824; bapt. 31 July 1844; SLR 2, 714/Laf. Ch.: vol, 5, p. 303, #81). 

Again, there are issues with the paper trail for the Laurent(s)-Lefort/Neveu marriage. The succession record for Jean Jacques Neveu, 15 May 1837 (Laf. Ct. Hse., Successions, #377) mentions two minors (Christophe and Alphonse).  Nevertheless, the second union took place in Opelousas in 1828, but, clearly, two children were conceived prior to that date: Gustave (b. 5 February 1826, Opel. Ch.: vol. 3, p. 34 – d. 25 March 1887; bur. In Gueydan, Louisiana) and Larissa (b. 15 May 1828, Opel. Ch.: vol. 3, p. 34).  There would be many more children to come, but it is interesting to note that Larissa, even though a minor, was not living with her father in Vermilion, Louisiana in 1846, having opted to reside abroad with an uncle on the rue Vilaine, in Évreux (départment of Eure), France.  At that time, she was contemplating marriage with Désiré Florent Augustin Gillot (b. 26 November 1819), a pharmacist and native of nearby Verneuil. In seeking family consent because of her age, correspondence with America took several months.  Documentation shows that the process began with a first publication of the marriage banns (promises) in France on 25 October 1846 after consent from her father Benoît in Louisiana (Pierre Labiche, notaire public in St. Landry Parish) had been received. It was also revealed that Larissa’s mother Rosalie had passed away in Natchitoches on 31 July 1835.  After all the waiting, Larissa and Désiré were officially united at the hôtel de ville (city hall) in Évreux, at 11 a.m., 18 May 1847.15 Unfortunately, it was another marriage of short duration, with Larissa dying on 7 August 1851 in Évreux.  

Censuses show that Benoît Laurent(s) had indeed resided in Natchitoches in 1830 (with his wife and seven children 15 years of age and under) and in 1840 (with five children under the age of 20).  By 1850, those numbers had greatly diminished in his new home in the Western District, Ward 6, Vermilionville, as he was without a spouse and with two daughters – Eveline (20) and Octavine (18).16 His son Gustave was listed as a 26-year-old teacher in a separate household in the same Western District. When Benoît died on 31 July 1852, his funeral was at St. John’s Catholic Church, Lafayette, with interment by request at Copal Plantation, on the Vermilion River. 

Getting back to the Deschamps, we see that Mary Matilda Lefort, daughter of Louis and Fanny, married George H. Hunter (b. 26 August 1789, Philadelphia; son of George Heriot Hunter and Phoebe Bryant; noted as non-baptized at the wedding) in New Orleans, on 2 June 1821 (SLC, M6, 257; witnesses: Mr. Lefort, Mr. Townes, Mr. Bonnet, Mr. Glavarry). This was a second marriage for Hunter! Previously, he had wed Ann Mary Girault, on 14 August 1816, in Natchez, Mississippi. A daughter, Mary Phoebe, was born in 1818, but, sadly, Ann Mary had passed away in 1819.  

Now however, it was a day of rejoicing – and doubly so. Not only was June 2nd a special day for Mary Matilda, but also for her cousin Elizabeth Bienaimée Glavarry and London-born groom Thomas Stovin Saul, who shared the same witnesses!17  

The Hunter-Lefort union produced four children in eight years of marriage – Françoise Matilda Georgiana (b. 1825), Phoebe (b. 1827), Matilda Georgina (b. 1829), and William (b. 1830). Tragically, both parents died in 1831: Marie Matilda, on 7 January; George, on 13 August.  With four orphans now under her care, grandmother Françoise (Fanny) Deschamps was appointed tutrix for the minors on 24 October 1831, with La Cestière Volant Labarre serving as under tutor.18 

Françoise’s last fifteen years of life would involve lots of special care for those grandchildren and deaths of several other loved ones. 

By 1837, however, the burden of being a grandmother and tutrix was putting financial strains on her.  Astute as she appeared to be, she was in need of greater assistance and ever worried about the rights of the young Hunters.  It was time to petition the court for intervention. First, a new under tutor, Benoît Oscar Vignaud, was appointed on 27 March, and an inventory was also ordered. The care of the children was causing an annual deficit that did not bode well for the family as she aged. Since taking charge of the orphaned children over six years and four months earlier, she had spent $600 per annum ($3800 in total through May 1837) addressing their needs.  The three enslaved women belonging to the Hunter estate – Betsey, Alley, and Matilda – had been hired out over that time for $2280. Fanny bore the difference of more than $1500 to provide adequate support and education. Carrying growing deficits seemed unsustainable and also put the children’s financial future at risk, so the Probate Court judge in New Orleans called for a “family assembly” of the minor heirs of Mary M. Lefort to be held in his office on 8 April.  The assembly would consist of five “family friends” and the present under tutor. One of the first tasks of these appointed males – John Nicholson, Greer B. Duncan, Pierre Lemoine, Jean Menard, Achille Ciapella, and Benoît Vignaud – was to advise, deliberate, and determine the expediency of selling the slaves to reimburse the grandmother and put more funds at her disposal.  Besides, keeping slaves for life “would be imprudent in as much expence will be incurred thereby, and that loss may arise by the death or disability of the same.”  

Therefore, an auction was deemed acceptable to the court, but only Alley, Matilda, and enslaved children were able to be sold. Betsey’s value was determined to be $600, but that figure could not be met at the time of sale, and she was spared from the auction block. The auction raised $2675, with $1525 paid for Alley and her children and $1150 gained from the purchase of Matilda and her child.  When all accounts were settled, Françoise’s share grew by another $569.75, and the children now received the remaining $600 and the assurance that Betsy’s ‘appraised value’ was $600.  In addition, the court awarded the minors another $186.38 and ruled that Françoise could not legally collect a commission as a tutrix (9 December 1837).  In the meantime, she was seeking liquidation of her own account with the minors and a special mortgage on her home and lot on Rampart Street in New Orleans. By annulling the original general mortgage on the 26’ x 109’ property located between Conti and Bienville Streets, the court gave her the means to add value to her succession, with a new appraisal of $12,000 (9 December 1837/9 and 12 January 1838, Office Book 38, Folio 304). 

Fortunately, Françoise also had her sisters and even a nephew from Virginia nearby.  Louis Deshields, son of Capt. Joseph, was listed as a sponsor (along with Aglaé Glavarry) for the baptism of first cousin Matilda Georgina Lefort on 13 February 1830. Three years later, on 26 February 1833, he married Marie Aubert, age 18, in Thibodaux (SLR, vol. 1/Thib. Ct. Hse, Mar., vol, 2, #1), and the two welcomed their first-born, Marie Zelima, later that year. Louis became a physician. While maintaining connections with the Bayou Lafourche over the years, he managed to live in the Midwest and in California. On the 1850 U. S. Census, he and Mary were living in Millcreek, Hamilton County, Ohio, with seven children, aged from 2 to 16, and four Irish laborers.  The first six were all born in Louisiana; the last, daughter Ada, was a two-year-old Ohioan. On 22 October 1851, the eldest, Mary Zulema (Zelima) married Fisher W. Amos, in the First Presbyterian Church in Hamilton County. By 1860, census records show the father’s presence as a physician in Shasta, California.  There, he had no listed spouse, but four children were still living with him. Louis would die in Red Bluff, California, in January 1869. 

As stated previously, Elizabeth Glavarry joined Fanny in Louisiana sometime after the conclusion of the War of 1812. Thanks to Sherry Northington and other online resources, we can at least trace the Glavarrys back to 1820, when François, captain of the schooner Charles of Baltimore, was cleared twice by authorities in Savannah, acknowledging on shipping manifests that single slaves on board were in service to the 93-ton vessel, not illegal imports to the States (Simon, age 20, 5’2 ½”, 8 April 1820; Sam, 23, 5’9”, 21 July 1820). A year later, on 2 June 1821, François was a witness for marriages of his daughter Elizabeth Bienaimée and niece Mary Matilda Lefort, and on 20 June 1821, there is mention of him in a ratification of an unspecified sale for $900 in New Orleans.19  In addition, the name “F. Glavara” appeared on a New Orleans passenger list in February 1823 and on another in 1824 describing him as a fifty-five-year-old mariner on the schooner General Jackson, sailing from Cuba to New Orleans.20   

François is listed in the city as a measurer and marker for the customhouse from 1825 to 1831.21 A daughter, Frances Eliza, married Angelus Degeyter in Baton Rouge in late November 1828, but she was already ill and dictating her own will less than a year later (Louisiana, U. S., Wills and Probate Records, 1756-1984, 8 September 1829).  Her father was named testamentary executor by the court. Other than his presence with family and two enslaved individuals on the 1830 U. S. Census, Lower Suburbs of New Orleans, there exists a curious notation from early 1831 which places a female slave, Betsy, in the local jail (geôle de Police).22 

François himself lived just a short while longer. He had written his own will on 26 September 1832, a full year and a half before his death in New Orleans on 29 April 1834.  A look at the will shows several legatees: his widow, Elizabeth née Deschamps, daughter Marie Magdeleine Aglaé, his granddaughter Elizabeth Saul (child of his deceased daughter Bienaimée, d. 1827), his own sisters (if alive), and nephew Francis Glavarry.  According to probate records, Elizabeth immediately renounced her position as co-executrix and, in an apparent bind, expressed her unwillingness to act as tutrix to her own granddaughter: she was “unable to furnish the security required for the tutorship of the said minor, and that as no other person is willing to accept said tutorship and grant the requisite security.” Elizabeth’s wish was that “two responsible and discreet persons” be named by a committee.  That requested, arrangements were set with the appointment of another in her stead and Oscar Vignaud named as under tutor (3 July 1834).  By 24 December 1834, a petition was filed to sell and divide the estate. Daughter Aglaé served as testamentary executrix.  In April 1835, two transactions were concluded: Walker, a Black ‘laborer’ (approximately 20 years old), was sold for $500 in cash; and a house on a 40’ x 75’ lot in the Marigny district of New Orleans brought in $5500. Both were purchased by Achille Chiapella, who put down one-third cash on the latter, with the balance due in two years. The Glavarry estate also claimed $178 in furniture and a bank account of $1498 (6 April 1835).  In the end, the estate was further reduced by a little more than $700 to cover funeral, medical, insurance, and legal fees. Widow Elizabeth received 5264 piastres (dollars) to carry on; daughter Aglaé, 1638 piastres

Elizabeth Glavarry died in New Orleans on 22 December 1841.  Juliana Hertzog, mentioned earlier as a young relative from the Thibodaux (Tibodot) side of the family then living with Françoise Deschamps, was next to pass away in Louisiana in late 1843. Her demise was noted in the Baltimore Sun on 4 December: “On the 12th ult., in her 23d year, of yellow fever, at the residence of Mrs. F. D. Lefort, in the parish of St. James, La . . . of Baltimore.” 

Just a little over two and a half years later, Françoise’s time had also come. Because of the Baltimore Honeywells and remaining Acadian descendants of the family in the city, the Sun edition of 28 July 1846 again brought news from down south: “At Louisiana. 4th instant. Mrs. Frances D. LeFort, at an advanced age, formerly a resident of Baltimore.”  

In the days prior to Juliana’s death at her home in 1843, Françoise most probably sensed that it was well past time to express her own last wishes, which would allow $1000 annually to her surviving sister, Mary Maglen Carra [sic] “as long as she shall live”; and then to her grandchildren Frances, Phoebe, Matilda, and William. Probate was considered between two jurisdictions, St. James Parish (Fourth Judicial District Court) and Terrebonne Parish (Fifth Judicial District Court). From the proceedings of 11 September and 23 December 1846, it is learned that an inventory was undertaken by Mrs. Boucry (Frances Georgina Matilda, presumably) and that Hunter minors Matilda Georgia[na] and William were assigned a dative tutor and an under tutor.  Auguste Adolphe Boucry was designated executor. 

Only one Deschamps sister, Magdelaine, was left in Louisiana. In the 1850 U. S. Census, she resided with the Adolphe Boucry household in the Eastern District, St. James Parish (left side of the Mississippi River),  and was listed as deaf and 89 years old.  It is there as well that the unmarried John Hertzog (31, overseer), brother of the deceased Juliana, continued to live with his Deschamps “cousins.” According to Sherry Northington, the journal of Helen Boucry, St. James Parish, records that Magdelaine Carré died on 22 July 1851.  

The last Deshields sibling, Capt. Joseph, died in Heathsville, Northumberland County, Virginia, on 17 July 1854. 

Deschamps descendants in Louisiana: 

Françoise (Fanny): 

Married (1) Joseph Isoard (son of Mark Isoard and Rosalia De Fougerez), a native of Orgon, France, on 27 October 1793, at St. Peter’s Catholic Church, Baltimore, with Rev. Francis Beeston officiating. While listed as Frances Deschamps on the parish registry that day, Frances (Françoise) signed as “Fanny Deshield.”  

CHILDREN OF LOUIS FRANÇOIS ISIDORE LEFORT AND FRANÇOISE DESCHAMPS ISOARD 

  • Marie Matilda (“natural” child): d. 7 January 1831 (SLC, F15, 198).23  
  • Louis Theodore (b. 22 December 1802; bapt. 12 June 1803, New Orleans). In the Archdiocese of New Orleans Sacramental Records, 7:198, he is listed in Spanish as Luis Theodosio, son of Luis Francisco Ysidoro, native of Rouen, and Francisca Dejan, native of Baltimore, but now both residents of New Orleans. Baptismal sponsors: Christoval de Armas y Arzila, militia lieutenant, and Victorina de Armas y Arzila, his daughter (SLC, B17, 27). 

CHILD OF GEORGE HERIOT HUNTER AND ANN MARY GIRAULT 

  • Mary Phoebe: b. 1818; m. Frederick Stringer (1814-1894), New Orleans, on 13 November 1851; d. 9 June 1872. 

CHILDREN OF GEORGE HERIOT HUNTER AND MARY MATILDA LEFORT 

  • Françoise Georgiana (noted on baptismal record as daughter of George H. of Pennsylvania and Marie Matilde LeFort of Maryland) b. 3 October 1825; bapt. 5 November 1826; spo: Louis Landry and Françoise Lefort (DBR 4:291/ASC 6, 36); d. 27 October 1902.  

Frances (Francisca) Georgiana Heriot, minor daughter of George Heriot Hunter and Marie Mathilde Lefort, both deceased, m. Adolphe August(e) Boucry, son of Jean Baptiste Boucry (1778-1833) and Elizabeth Blouin (b. 1783), on 19 February 1844, at St. Michael’s Church, Convent, St. James Parish, LA (DBR 6:334/SMI-7, 163). The bride was assisted by her grandmother and guardian, Mrs. Françoise Deschamps Lefort. One of the eleven witnesses was John Hertzog. 

Adolphe August (b. 3 December 1823; bapt. 5 May 1824 – DBR 6:71/SMI-3, 117) died just shy of 30 years old and was buried on 28 September 1853 (DBR 8:85/SMI-4, 229, which listed him as 35 years old).  On the 1850 U.S. Census, Boucry was given the age of 26! 

Frances G. m (2) Augustin Malarcher, widower of Marcelline Richard, on 20 August 1855 (DBR 8:428/SMI 11, 87), but Augustin lived only long enough to impregnate Frances.  He died two months later, at the age of 41, and was buried on 22 October 1855 (DBR 8:428/SMI-4, 246). 

Frances G. m (3) Jonas Walpole Bailey (b. 23 November 1838, England – 1924) in 1862. 

1870 U. S. Census, Donaldsonville, Ward 4, Ascension Parish, LA: Jonas (30, farm manager), Frances (44). 

1880 U. S. Census, Assumption Parish, LA: J. W. (42, overseer), Frances (54), J. W. (10, son). 

1900 U. S. Census, Police Jury, Ward 4, St. Landry Parish, LA.: Jonas W. (62, farmer), Frances G. (74). 

  • Fibia Isidora (Phoebe): b. 24 March 1827; bap. 28 May 1827; spo: Trasimond Landry and Delphine Landry (DBR 4:291/ASC 6-42). 

Married (1) Leufroi Émile Barras (son of Leufroy Barras, Terrebonne Parish, and Émilie Thibodaux) on 1 September 1842. Listed as Widow P. Barras (22) on 1850 U. S. Census and living with in-laws Leufroy and Émilie Barras and their daughter Malvina. 

Married (2) Francis Otway Tompkins (b. 27 July 1817, Lynchburg, VA – d. 3 October 1872, Thibodaux, Lafourche Parish, LA/bur. St. John’s Episcopal Cemetery, Thibodaux). 

1860 U. S. Census: living in Amherst, VA, age 32, with husband F. O. (43) and three children. 

1870 U. S. Census: living in Ward 4, St. James Parish, age 42, with husband F. O. and three children. 

1880 U. S. Census: widow, living on Jackson Street, Thibodaux, LA, 53 years old. 

Died in New Orleans, 20 January 1900 (probate date: 17 February 1913, Orleans Parish, LA, Civil District Court Case Papers 103537-103749). 

  • Matilda Georgeana/Georgiana: b. 17 October 1829; bapt. 13 February 1830; spo: Louis Deschields [sic] and Aglaé Glavery (SLC, B40, 125). 

1850 U. S. Census: living with uncle Peter Laidlaw and aunt Phoebe Laidlaw, Ward 1, New Orleans. 

1880 U. S. Census: living with sister Phoebe and her children on Jackson Street, Thibodaux, LA. Known to family as “Tilly.” 

  • William (Wallace, middle name on some documents): b. 20 Dec 1830; bapt. 25 Jul 1831; spo: Valsin Vignaud and Josephine Menard (SLC, B40, 280). 

Married Octavie Elizabeth Rouanet (b. 6 September 1831; daughter of Jean Pierre Rouanet, MD, and Aline Alexia Pellegrin) in Mississippi City, Mississippi, on Wednesday evening, 29 May 1850, by Rev. Mr. Serano Taylor, a Baptist minister. 

1850 U. S. Census: William (19, dry goods merchant) and Octavie (18); listed next to Boucrys. 

1852 [29 April]: received 8660 piastres as part of succession (mortgage) set up through grandmother Françoise Deschamps Lefort (VEE, p. 615) 

1854 [18 April]: purchased full interest in Waterproof Plantation for $5000 (right bank, Bayou Lafourche, about 18 miles south of Thibodaux). 

1860 U. S. Census: parents and four children (see listing for children below). 

1870 U. S. Census: listed with eight children. 

1880 U. S. Census: listed with six children. 

Death of Octavie on 12 April 1889, with burial in St. Sauveur Cemetery, Lockport, Lafourche Parish, as reported in The Weekly Thibodaux Sentinel and Journal of the 8th Senatorial District on 20 April. 

Death of William on 30 August 1894, with burial at Lockport (SLR 9:283, Lockport Ch.: vol, 1, #22). 

CHILDREN OF ADOLPHE AUGUST BOUCRY AND FRANCES GEORGINA MATILDA HUNTER 

  • Fanny Elizabeth Mathilde: b. 14 July 1845, bapt. 11 September 1845; spo: Jean Philippe Boucry and Françoise Deschamps Lefort (DBR 6:87/SMI-6, 160). She was buried, age 9, on 16 September 1853 (DBR 8:85/SMI-4, 227). 
  • Marie Phibi Augusta: b. 1 Feb 1847; bapt. 24 April 1847; spo: Arnaud Le Bourgeois and Magdeleine Adelaide Boucry (DBR 6, 88/SMI 6, 178). Not on 1850 U. S. Census. 
  • Augustin Adolphe: b. 10 July 1849, bapt. 22 September 1849; spo: Mathurin Boucry and Phebe Barras (DBR 7:69/SMI-6, 207). The child died young and was buried on 5 October 1853 (DBR 8:85/SMI-4, 230). 
  • Adolphe: listed as 1 year old on 1850 U.S. Census. 
  • Helena Carolina: b. 10 February 1852, bapt. 24 July 1852; spo: Antoine Webre and Helen Nicolle; (DBR 7:69/SMI-6, 239). 
  • Phania Adolphina/Adolphine Fanny (Fani) Augustine: b. 10 November 1853; bapt. 5 January 1854; spo: John R. Hertzog and Phoebe Isidora Barras Hunter (DBR 8:85/SMI-6 256); d./bur. 30 May 1854 (7 months old) after father’s death (DBR 8:85/SMI-4, 236). 

CHILD OF AUGUSTIN MALARCHER AND FRANÇOISE HUNTER BOUCRY 

  • Augustin Barthélemy: “a few days of age,” bur. 12 June 1856 (DBR 8:428/SMI-4, 249). 

CHILDREN OF FRANCIS OTWAY TOMPKINS AND FIBIA ISIDORA (PHOEBE) HUNTER 

  • Fannie: born in Louisiana; living in Amherst, VA (1860 U. S. Census, 4 years old); living with mother, 5 siblings, and Aunt Matilda Hunter in Thibodaux, LA (1880 U. S. Census, 23 years old, teacher); wife of W. F. Denny in 1913 (received ¼ of mother Phoebe’s estate). 
  • Leila L.: born in Louisiana; living in Amherst, VA (1860 U. S. Census, 2 years old); living with mother, aunt, and five other siblings (1880 U. S. Census); unmarried in 1913. 
  • Anna: born in Virginia; living in Amherst, VA (1860 U. S. Census, 5 months old). 
  • Belle: born in Virginia; living with mother, aunt, and five siblings (1880 U. S. Census, 18 years old); 1900 U. S. Census, widow; still a widow in 1913 (received ¼ of mother’s estate). 
  • Dora (Isidora): born in Virginia; living with mother, aunt, and five siblings (1880 U. S. Census, 16 years old); died on 6 July 1896. 
  • Frank: born in Virginia; living with mother, aunt, and five other siblings (1880 U. S. Census, 15 years old); died on 2 August 1894, without issue. 
  • John L.: born in Virginia; living with mother, aunt, and five other siblings (1880 U. S. Census, 13 years old); died on 28 October 1898, without issue. 

CHILDREN OF WILLIAM HUNTER AND OCTAVIE ROUANET 

  • George J. H.: b. 4 February 1853 (SLR 3:282/Raceland Ch.: vol. 1, #79) – d. 26 October 1853, at Waterproof Plantation, 18 miles south of Thibodaux, Terrebonne Parish, age 8 months, 22 days. 
  • M. E. (Mary Eugénie): bapt. 4 June 1853 (SLR 3:282/Raceland Ch.: vol. 1, #78); 1860 U. S. Census (9); 1870 (19). 
  • W. W. (William Wales, sic Wallace): bapt. 11 January 1855 (Thib. Ch.: vol. 5, p. 396); 1860 U. S. Census (5); 1870 (15); 1880 (26). 
  • M. G. (Matilda Georgina): b. 28 May 1857 (SLR 3:282/Thib. Ch.: vol. 5, p. 396); 1860 U. S. Census (3); 1870 (13); 1880 (22, listed as Malinda). 
  • Louisa: 1870 U. S. Census (7). 
  • P. R. (Peter Rouanet): b. 3 February 1860 (SLR 3:282/Thib. Ch.: vol. 5, p. 441) – d. 21 February 1938, Marrero, Jefferson Parish, LA. 1870 U. S. Census (11); 1880 (19). 
  • Robert: b. 7 October 1862; bapt. 17 September 1863 (SLR 4:432/Lockport Ch.: vol. 1, #80) – d. 15 October 1938, Golden Meadow. LA; 1870 U. S. Census (9); 1880 (17). 
  • Mary May (Marie Aimée): b. 25 September 1865 (SLR 4:342/Lockport Ch.: vol. 1, #85) – d. 4 October 1865, 9 days old (SLR 4:341/Thib. Ch.: vol. 2, p. 160, #39). 
  • Édouard (Edward Lee): b. 2 November 1866 (SLR 4:341/Raceland Ch. Orig. Bk., p. 90); 1870 (4); 1880 (listed as Lee, 14). 
  • John Octave: b. 28 June 1869; bapt. 11 October 1869 (SLR 4:342/Raceland Ch. Orig. Bk., p. 100, #51); 1870 U. S. Census (1); 1880 (10, incorrectly listed as Octavia, female); d. 29 May 1923, Lockport, LA. 
  • Joseph Alfred: b. 27 July 1873 (SLR 5:206/Lockport Ch.: vol. 1, #30); U. S. Census 1880 (5); d. 9 July 1938, Gretna, Jefferson Parish, LA. 

CHILDREN OF NATHANIEL WHITEHEAD AND ISIDORA TOMPKINS 

  • Annie Byrd: wife of Andre S. Chenet; received 1/24 of estate of grandmother Phoebe Tompkins in 1913. 
  • Phebe I.: received 1/24 of estate of grandmother Phoebe Tompkins in 1913 (described as feme sole). 
  • Melissa C.: received 1/24 of estate of grandmother Phoebe Tompkins in 1913 (described as feme sole). 
  • Belle E.: received 1/24 of estate of grandmother Phoebe Tompkins in 1913 (minor over age of 18). 
  • Cecil L.: received 1/24 of estate of grandmother Phoebe Tompkins in 1913. 
  • Francis J.: received 1/24 of estate of grandmother Phoebe Tompkins in 1913. 

Elizabeth: 

1830 U. S. Census, Lower Suburbs of Orleans Parish: 1 free White male, 60-69 years old; 1 free White female, 60-69 years old; 1 free White female, 5-9 years old; 2 enslaved persons (1 male, 10-23 years old; 1 female, 24-35 years old). 

Husband François R. Glavary died on 29 April 1834, in New Orleans, at the approximate age of 72. 

Elizabeth died on 22 December 1841 (death certificate, St. Louis Cathedral, New Orleans). 

CHILDREN OF FRANÇOIS R. GLAVARRY AND ELIZABETH DESHIELDS 

  • Frances Eliza: b. 21 December 1794, Baltimore; m. Angelus Degeyter (1785-1849, son of Joseph Martin Degeyter and Isabela Van Wooven), on 29 November 1828, at Baton Rouge, LA; wit: Mr. and Mrs. Olivier Daigle, John Davenport, and Aglae Glavary (DBR 4:157/SJO-10, 336 and SJO-5, 4); d. 23 June 1829, New Orleans (SLC, F15, 30). Suffering from a severe illness, Frances Eliza (Fanny) dictated her will to Carlile Pollock, a notary, at the New Orleans home of her father François. She also declared that “my said husband has rendered unto me a full and due account of, and refunded unto me the sum of Sixteen hundred Dollars for the amount of paraphernal property brought by me in marriage according to act passed before Charles Tessier Judge of the Parish of East Baton Rouge. . .” (Orleans Parish Estate Files, 1804-1846, Estates, 1829, and Will Book, Vol. 4, 1824-1833). 

Angelus Degeyter m (2) Marguerite Elina Dutel on 16 August 1830 (SM Ch.: vol.7, #157).  They had 10 children – eight males and two females – between 1831 and 1846. 

  • Marie Magdeleine Aglaé: b. 22 April 1797, Baltimore – d. 2 January 1851, Orleans Parish, LA, at 4 pm; 53 years old; unmarried. Listed on 1850 U. S. Census, New Orleans (Municipality 3, Ward 1), age 50, with Théodore (Théodule) Veau family: Theodore (30), collector of levee dues; wife Eliza (25); son Thomas (1 4/12); and J. Whaler (20, from Ireland). 
  • Elizabeth Bienaimée: b. 17 February 1800, Baltimore – d. 13 May 1827, New Orleans; m. Thomas Stovin Saul, 2 June 1821 (SLC, M6, 257). Her death (SLC, F14, 188) is also noted in Sacramental Records of the Roman Catholic Church of the Archdiocese of New Orleans 17 [1826-27]:174. 
  • Marie Anne Honorine: b. 30 November 1802, Baltimore. 
  • Josephine Ruth: b. 13 September 1804, Baltimore. 
  • Joseph Jean Baptiste: b. 25 March 1807, Baltimore; bur. 23 September 1822, 17 years old (SLC, F13, 57).24 

CHILDREN OF THOMAS STOVIN SAUL AND ELIZABETH BIENAIMÉE GLAVARRY 

  • Marianne: b. 1822; bur. 6 June 1822, 6 weeks old (SLC, F13, 57).25 
  • Elizabeth Glavary: b. 1824; m. Théodule Laurent Veau (b. 8 October 1819 to Pierre Veau and Delphine Guenard – d. 29 Dec 1877, at 9 am) on 13 August 1846, Orleans Parish, LA). 

CHILDREN OF THÉODULE VEAU AND ELIZABETH GLAVARY VEAU 

  • George Thomas James (1849-1905): clerk on 1870 U. S. Census. 
  • Francis Peter Stoverr: b. 1851 – d. 13 August 1853. 
  • Antonia Ogdonia Adelia: b. 22 March 1854, Orleans Parish); not listed as one of children on 1870 U.S. Census. 
  • Warren Francis: b. 1861; listed on 1870 U. S. Census. 

Magdelaine: 

Married Joseph Mary (Marie) Carré, son of Peter (Pierre) Carré and Louisa (Gilette Louise) Haudbois (Haubois, Hautbois), born in St. Malo, France. Pierre, age 52, m (2) Anne Letellier, age 21, on 23 August 1763. At that time, the father was a capitaine de navire (ship captain). Joseph Marie would follow in his footsteps.  

Widow of Joseph Carré, a native of St-Malo, France; died on 22 July 1851. 

CHILD OF JOSEPH CARRÉ AND MAGDELAINE (MAGDALEN) DESCHAMPS 

  • Mary Magdalen: b. 4 August 1794, Baltimore; bapt. 7 August 1794; m. Stephen Honeywell, St. Peter’s, Baltimore, 16 July 1812; bur. 30 April 1825, Baltimore. 

CHILDREN OF STEPHEN HONEYWELL AND MARY MAGDALEN CARRÉ 

  • Matilda: b. 11 June 1813, Baltimore; m. William Wilson, 12 April 1831, Baltimore (Cathedral). 
  • Emily: b. 17 February 1815, Baltimore – d. 20 April 1849. 
  • John: b. 16 April 1816, Baltimore. 
  • Unnamed child: bur. 17 July 1823, Baltimore. 
  • Charles Burrie: b. 15 October 1822; m. Malvina Coole, 23 October 1845. 

Joseph (of Virginia): 

As the only surviving male sibling of the Deschamps family after his brother Anselme/Samuel’s death on 5 July 1797, Joseph chose to spend his life in the Chesapeake region and died in Virginia in 1854. A list of his children appears in Becoming the Frenchified State of Maryland 2:59. Since his son Louis, the physician, lived a number of years near relatives in Louisiana, only his family members will be listed below. 

CHILDREN OF LOUIS DESHIELDS AND MARIE AUBERT 

  • Mary Zulema: 1850 U. S. Census, Millcreek, Ohio (16 years old; b. in LA) 
  • Alfred: 1850 (12; b. in LA) 
  • Louita (?): 1850 (10; b. in LA); 1860, Shasta, CA (21; listed as Louis
  • Thomas: 1850 (8; b. in LA) 
  • Britton: 1850 (7; b. in LA); 1860, Shasta, CA (17; law student) 
  • Laura: 1850 (4; b. in LA); 1860, Shasta, CA (14) 
  • Ada: 1850 (2; b. in OH); 1860, Shasta, CA (11; listed as b. in LA
  • Edward: 1860 (10; listed as b. in OH) 

Key to church abbreviations: 

ASC = Ascension, Donaldsonville 

DBR = Diocese of Baton Rouge Catholic Church Records 

Laf. Ch. = Lafayette Church Records 

SGA = St. Gabriel (Acadia) 

SJO = St. Joseph, Baton Rouge 

SLC = St. Louis Cathedral, New Orleans 

SLR = Southwest Louisiana Records (Rev. Donald Hebert) 

SM Ch. = St. Martin Parish Church Records 

SMI = Convent, LA 

Thib. Ch. = Thibodaux Church Records 

Appreciation: 

To Sherry Northington for her review of several drafts of this blog and for all the genealogical notes that she shared with me.  

  1. https://francomaryland.com, 10 February 2024. ↩︎
  2. For more on the Deschamps family, please refer to the excellent letter written by Joseph’s son Henry Clay Deshields, in 1876. It was shared with me by Henryetta deShields Callahan and is copied in its entirety in my Guide to the Acadians in Maryland (1995), pp. 372-74. The T(h)ibodeaux family is also covered in another letter (1902), included on pp. 374-75. ↩︎
  3. “Public Education in New Orleans in 1800,” The Louisiana Quarterly 11:2 (April 1928), 241-52. ↩︎
  4. “Spanish Judicial Archives,” No. 339, Court of Acting Political Governor and Pedro Pedesclaux, Notary. ↩︎
  5. Filae, Civil registration, Martinique. ↩︎
  6. The 160-page volume can be found with Early American imprints, Second series, no. 17902. ↩︎
  7. Grace Elizabeth King, Creole Families of New Orleans, p. 269. ↩︎
  8. David Weeks and Family Papers, MSS 528, 605, 1655, 1637, 1695, and 1807, https://www.lib..lsu/sites/default/files/sc/findaid/0528m.pdf. ↩︎
  9. Louisiana, U. S., Wills and Probate, 1756-1984,” Will Book 4 [1824-1833], p. 241 (image 258), ancestry.com. ↩︎
  10. The will was filed on 1 Aug 1829. ↩︎
  11. L’Argus, 28 Jul 1829. ↩︎
  12. Filae, État Civil, Archives de Seine-Maritime. ↩︎
  13. “Louisiana, U. S., Compiled Marriages Index, 1718-1925,” and Opel. Ct. Hse. Mar., #24. ↩︎
  14. 1850 U. S. Census. ↩︎
  15. “Eure, France, Births, Marriages, and Deaths, 1506-1923,” No. 21 (view 258), ancestry.com. ↩︎
  16. Eveline Laurents: b. 1830, Opelousas – d. 24 April 1905, Lafayette) and Caroline Octavie (b. 1832 – d. 17 November 1921). ↩︎
  17. Transcriptions can be easily found in ed. Charles E. Nolan et al., Sacramental Records of the Roman Catholic Church of the Archdiocese of New Orleans 14 [1820-21]: 178, 207, 249, and 366. ↩︎
  18. “Louisiana, U. S., Probate Records, 1756-1984 – Successions, Probate, H 1831-1832,” digitized images 146-197, ancestry.com. ↩︎
  19. Hughes Lavergne, Notary Index, Acts 852-1058, 17 May – Dec 1821, https://www.orleanscivilclerk.com/hlavergneindexes/lavergne_h_vol_6.pdf. ↩︎
  20. “Louisiana, New Orleans Passenger Lists, 1820-1945,” Family Search, https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:QKNG-R6T7 [Sat Mar 09]. ↩︎
  21. “A register of officers and agents, civil, military, and naval, in the Service of the United States,” http://files.usgwarchives.net/la/orleans/history/directory/1824nocd. ↩︎
  22. Assembled from ship manifests listed as “U. S. Atlantic Ports Arriving and Departing Passenger and Crew Lists, 1820-1959,” T1219, State Department Transcripts, Roll 1, 1819-1832; and “New Orleans, Louisiana, U. S., Early Police Records, 1805-1865: Daily Reports of the Police Jail, Part 2, 1820-1839” [geôle de Police 21 au 22 Janv 1831, with reference to Capne Glavary]. ↩︎
  23. Sacramental Records of the Roman Catholic Church of the Archdiocese of New Orleans 19 [1830-31]:227. ↩︎
  24. Sacramental Records of the Roman Catholic Church of the Archdiocese of New Orleans 15 [1822-23]:179. ↩︎
  25. Ibid.,349. ↩︎

The Saga of the Paul F. de Gournay Family in Baltimore

May 6, 2024 

For several months, I have been researching a de Gournay reference that was passed on to me by Francis O’Neill, reference librarian at the Maryland Center for History and Culture.  Francis often shares various tidbits of interest that pass through his hands.  In this particular instance, he was intrigued by the mention of a certain Mademoiselle Blanche de Gournay having signed a rental agreement on a dwelling at 1221 North Calvert Street, in Baltimore, for the year 1922-23.  It was her intention to create a “French Home and Chaperonage.”1 

The property in question was built by a successful real estate developer named Francis White.  After his death in 1904, the row house in the Mount Vernon neighborhood, near E. Biddle Street, was passed on to a son, Francis Alderson White, who later leased the home to a coal magnate before Mademoiselle’s one-year lease was agreed upon. In 1923, however, the property would be sold to R. Sanchez Boone, a distinguished wine and spirits wholesaler.  Boone died in 1954 and his widow remained in residence until her own passing in 1969. 

The reference to this short-lived French enterprise pushed me to research the origins of the de Gournay family in Baltimore.  On page 872 of the second volume of Becoming the Frenchified State of Maryland, I had listed a Paul F. de Gournay as the French consular agent in the city from approximately 1887 to 1894. Thanks to the Baltimore Sun search engine and other sources, many things then fell into place, and I found myself overwhelmed by a large number of articles that have helped me trace the arrival in Maryland of the gentleman, his spouse Annette, and daughter Blanche in the mid-1860s.  In addition, I unfortunately found a number of genealogical inconsistencies, some of which remain very confusing. 

Paul de Gournay was not just an ordinary émigré to America, but a man with ties to France, Jamaica, Cuba, New Orleans, Alabama, and the Confederacy.  There are competing sets of facts for his birth and parents. Geneanet Community Trees (ancestry.com) gives 25 August 1828 as his birth at Sainte Catherine, Guantanamo, Cuba, to parents François Victor de Gournay (1778-1838) and Jeanne Marie Pauline Hélène Lagourgue (1785-1840); the 1860 U.S. Census lists Havana as his birthplace; and a detailed 1904 obituary in the Baltimore Sun names him as the Marquis de Gournay de Marcheville, born in Brittany, France! His official Baltimore City death certificate states otherwise: birth in Cuba on 15 March 1828, to Joseph Bernard de Gournay and Marie La Fevies (difficult to read), registry B71001 – certainly not the aforementioned parents mentioned in so many other records. How to reconcile this conflict!2 

It appears that, as a child, Paul was in New Orleans as early as 1835 and naturalized on 12 April 1847.  

According to a Civil War historian and his own obituary, young Paul eventually was named to supervise the family’s Cuban sugar investments since he appears to be the only son. By 1851, he can again be placed in New Orleans after having participated in a failed revolution in Cuba led by Narciso López.   

According to encyclopedia.com, Narciso López (b. 1798) was a Venezuelan who fought against Simon Bolivar and had left South America in 1823 before de Gournay’s birth.  Narciso moved to Cuba, married well to the sister of a Spanish count, and rose in the military ranks after his marriage failed. While a general in Spain, he returned to Cuba in 1841, served as a governor of the town of Trinidad and as head of a military tribunal until he lost favor under a new military leader and retreated to business pursuits that did not bear much fruit.  In 1848, Lopez conspired with those wishing to have the United States annex Cuba.  His initial American support did not hold together, yet, after fleeing to the States, he managed to recruit several hundred Mexican War veterans and land them in Cardenas, Cuba in 1850.  The venture did not succeed and López once again sought shelter in the U.S. A year later, in 1851, a group of 400 under his command returned to the island without generating much more enthusiasm from the islanders.  This time there was no escape: López was defeated by the Spanish army and executed by strangulation on 1 September [see Philip S. Foner, A History of Cuba in Its Relations with the United States, 2 vols. (1962-63) and Robert Granville, The López Expeditions to Cuba, 1848-1851 (1915)]. 

Days after the adventurer’s execution, de Gournay wrote in French in the New Orleans Daily-Picayune (10 September 1851) about his eighteenth-month friendship with López – “a man who never had an unworthy thought, whose motives were pure and generous.” A great defender of Lopez’s actions, de Gournay described the martyrs in the cause, the “system of terror” imposed by the Spanish authorities, censorship, and arrests. He went on to write that he “was in Cuba when Gen. López arrived, and I will only say that had it been possible to join him, I would not now be in New Orleans; those who know me will not doubt my words.”  Thirty years younger than the revolutionary, de Gournay was sorely affected by the experience and his death: “Gen Lopes [sic] had favored me by his friendship and confidence.  I grieve his loss as that of a father; and I think that raising my weak voice to justify him, his friends, of the cause for which he died, is to me a duty – is rendering a homage to his memory.  Those who insult his ashes by calumnies are guilty of an act of cowardice, and I would be as guilty if I remained silent.”3 

It appears that de Gournay may have entered into two marriage contracts in Louisiana prior to the beginning of the American Civil War. The first apparently took place on 26 September 1846, when the Rev. Abbé Duquesne blessed his union with Henriette Clémence Cougot (4th Ward, Justice of the Peace for the Parish of Orleans, #74.) Eight years later, city/parish records showed that de Gournay married Marie Octavie Roux on 1 August 1854, before Richard Richardson, 3rd Ward, Justice of the Peace, in the presence of the Vve (widow) Roux, Jules P. Roux, Théo[dore] Roux, Eugène Roux, Am[ilcar]. Roux, Jules Boulin, and F. O’Callaghan. Mother-in-law Eulalie’s consent was noted because her daughter was still a minor, while Colomb Davis acknowledged that Paul was older than 21.4 

Several events place Paul de Gournay actively in the Louisiana political arena throughout the 1850s. In late 1855, as one of the commissioners for the 12th District, he was involved in a mandamus case filed in the Sixth District Court, in which John M. Bell, a Democratic candidate for sheriff, came before Judge Cotton to contest 11 errant votes that were wrongfully deposited in a special box of votes designated for the election of the justice of the peace.  In addition, 13 more votes for the posts of justice of the peace and a constable also were determined to have wound up in the wrong box.  De Gournay and fellow commissioners J. M. Maureau and William Andry were then required by the court to rectify the situation.5 

A few months after the election miscount, the Times-Picayune reported on 9 July 1856 that de Gournay was one of four secretaries at a meeting of Democrats assembled in Lafayette Square to ratify the national presidential ticket nomination of James Buchanan and John C. Breckenridge.  Buchanan would go on to win the presidency and be known as one of America’s least influential chief executives for his single term leading up to the Civil War. 

All along, de Gournay did not give up on his beloved Cuba.  In 1858, he established the Southern Watchword, a newspaper dedicated to the revolution there.  The first edition appeared on 15 November, but by 17 January 1859, its publication was temporarily suspended because of “unforeseen circumstances,” with de Gournay, the editor, begging “the indulgence of our friends” and promising a restart on 1 February, according to that day’s edition of the New Orleans Daily Crescent.  It would not be his last short-lived writing venture.  In fact, the Times-Picayune, where de Gournay was editor as well, announced on 20 May 1860 that an English-language weekly called The Cuban Messenger was set to be published on the Caribbean island. Subscriptions to the newspaper could be procured by mail or in person to de Gournay.  Its mission was to provide “mercantile details,” advertising, and general news relating to Cuba and other places in the West Indies.  The Messrs. Bryant & Wyman would be in charge of the paper in Havana and operate with explicit authorization of the Government of “the ever faithful Isle.”6 

The 1860 U.S. Census (3 July) notes Paul de Gournay’s continued presence in New Orleans’ Ward 5 as a 32-year-old newspaper reporter, born in Havana, and living with wife Octavie (23, born in New Orleans), his mother-in-law Roux (59), an Irish servant named Anne Patrick (29), and a seamstress, Anna Patrick (35, also from New Orleans). Paul’s sister Aimée was also living nearby in the same ward with her husband Eugène Roux (Octavie’s brother) and three daughters – (Mathilde) Eulalie (9), (Victoire) Eugénie (8), and Ellen (2). The previous census for New Orleans in 1850 had shown the presence of the young Roux couple (then 25 and 22, respectively), Mme Roux, and two of Octavie’s siblings, Amilcar (21) and Octavie (14). Since that time, Eugène and Aimée were also parents of a son, James Madison Roux, who unfortunately had died as a two-year-old in 1857.7 

According to the 1900 US Census, Paul’s longtime spouse in Maryland was named Annette (b. February 1833), who arrived in the States in 1857, two years after Paul’s wedding with Marie Octavie Roux!  That census also points out that Paul and Annette had been married for 40 years and had had three children during that time! Blanche (b. 1862) is the only child ever mentioned in Baltimore. So, what had happened to Octavie? Were Octavie and Annette one and the same? But let’s put this genealogical question off until later. 

Several sources speak of Paul de Gournay assuming control of the Daily-Picayune in 1861 on the eve of the Civil War. The advent of that conflict pushed him into another arena: the Frenchman quickly invested $10,000 of his family fortune in the formation of an artillery company. According to the 1861 New Orleans City directory (p. 129), de Gournay was then residing at 233 Main Street.  He formed his own group of Zouaves (Company E) and then sought to have it registered officially, with him as captain.  Zouave companies in the North and in the South were quite popular because of their colorful clothing.   

. . . the red flowing breeches of the Zouaves, the fez, the pretty jacket and the leggings  . . . have been a better bait than the bounty of five dollars offered to every man who would enlist with the regulars. . . . Such is the magic power of an elegant uniform, and of a name made glorious in the military annals of the world.8

That same article made mention of five such Louisiana companies – the last under the direction of the newspaper’s “gallant, esteemed and talented Creole . . . who won golden opinions as an editor, as well as a militia officer.” Upon his departure from editing duties, de Gournay’s fellow officers of the Battalion d’Artillery d’Orleans presented him a saber and encouragement to follow both stars: 

On that day [the previous Friday] the sword was mightier than the pen, and our friend laid down his pen which he can wield so gracefully.  We hope, however, that even in the midst of the bustle of camo-life he will take it up again, and impart now and then to the readers of the Picayune interesting information about the military doings in Florida.

There was some competition that prevented de Gournay from getting his way immediately, as his Orleans Independent Artillery was only assigned to Pensacola.  Disappointed with this particular deployment, he and his men did their best in setting themselves there to the task of fortifying Warrington Harbor. Finally, their company could no longer be shunned and it was sent to the more formidable Virginia theater. Along the way, de Gournay became a major and is recognized today as having also been associated with Captain Davis’s company and other battalions and artillery led by Braxton, Courtney, Cunningham, and Cutshaw, as well as his own heavy artillery battalion as he moved along to the rank of lieutenant colonel.  His grave marker in Loudon Park Cemetery, Baltimore, acknowledges his command of the 12th Louisiana Heavy Artillery. 

The 12th was eventually deployed to Port Hudson, Louisiana, with the responsibility of protecting Vicksburg, Mississippi.  The Union Army thought that its adversaries were much stronger than they were: consequently, in the spring of 1863, the North targeted the area and the meager Confederate force of 4000 was, in fact, up against 30,000 Northern troops! In spite of these terrible odds and cut off from supplies from Natchez, de Gournay and his fellow soldiers somehow held on for 61 days.  It was quite a blood bath: the Union lost 7000 soldiers, and the starving Port Hudson defenders were reduced to 2200. 

De Gournay was severely wounded in the chest at Port Hudson by a “piece of shell” (as noted in his 1904 obituary).  With the Confederate surrender on 9 July 1863, the Port Hudson garrison became prisoners of war and then were shuttled between various prisons after a first incarceration at the New Orleans Custom House Prison. Records then show that de Gournay was transferred via Governor’s Island, New York, August 1863, to Johnson’s Island, on Lake Erie, on 10 October 1863, with removal to Point Lookout, in St. Mary’s County, Maryland, in February 1864, and then to Fort Delaware in June 1864. Fort Delaware was a stronghold on Pea Patch Island, in the Delaware River, south of the town of New Castle. Within time, our lieutenant colonel was then among several hundred officers (“The Immortal Six Hundred”) ‘chosen to defend’ Charleston, South Carolina, harbor against the fire of their own army in August 1864. De Gournay was finally released from that harrowing experience involving opponents quibbling over prisoner exchange and the use of officers on both sides as human shields. His final stop was at Fort Pulaski, Georgia, in October 1864, where he was paroled on 5 December. In total, de Gournay had spent a year and a half in Union hands.9  

Much has been written about the deprivations at Port Hudson.  Especially recommended is Mauriel Joslyn’s essay, “Well-born Lt. Col. Paul François de Gournay was the South’s adopted ‘marquis in gray,’” from America’s Civil War (September 1995), pp. 8, 85-88. Except for her misstatements about de Gournay’s actual birthplace and the timeline of his future position as a consular official, she provides a very detailed account of the Port Hudson chapter. De Gournay himself also found opportunities to comment on that battle for many years thereafter. 

After the war was over, de Gournay took up residence in Alabama.  A notice in the 17 October 1865 edition of the Montgomery Advertiser drew attention to the Montgomery Female Academy, opened under the direction of the Rev. Samuel K. Cox in an institution then known as the Cottage Hill Academy.  And who should be a featured member on the Modern Languages staff of that school expected to be “equal to any of the first class female schools of the South”?  

Two months later, the professor was also trying his hand at writing for a younger crowd. A list of Montgomery, Alabama, newspapers and magazines shows a publication entitled Our Friend, established at Christmastime, 1865, “by Prof P. F DeGurney, as a semi-monthly paper for children.”10 De Gournay’s newest endeavor, from his office at 25 Court Street, promised “interesting extracts” and editorials comprehensible to young scholars and recommended “with pleasure to teachers and parents.” In any case, news was being disseminated in the Atlantic South in early Spring, 1866, that “Major DeGournay, of the famous DeGournay’s battalion, is editing a paper at Montgomery, Alabama.”11 

Success was still not in his grasp. It did not take long for de Gournay to cast a wider professional net to the Middle States. With a move to Baltimore, he began a new phase of his life in his late thirties.  On 8 September 1866, an advertisement in the Sun called young men aspiring to business careers to a three-evening-per-week course in French and Spanish at the school of the Rev. D. M. Rowan on North Charles and Barnet Streets.  The ex-soldier-turned-professor had garnered 14 local references and a testimonial from R. M. Lusher, the Louisiana State Superintendent of Education.  Lusher promoted his friendship with the lieutenant colonel, his favorable reputation, and his love of “Southern literary and educational enterprises.” According to the official, de Gournay was adept in three languages and would be a great credit to any institution. 

So, who were the professor’s most ardent backers? A pretty honorable group of men and one woman, Mrs. William Hamilton:  A. Sauvan (the French consul), clergymen M. Mahan, D. D. (St. Paul’s Episcopal Church) and J. N. McJilton, D.D. (Zion Episcopal Church), J. L. Weeks (sugar refiner), Charles Gola (music teacher), Catholic printer-booksellers (John Murphy, John B. Piet, and Michael J. Kelly), doctors (C. C. Cox and J. T. Mason), attorney Neilson Poe, educator Robert Daniel (Collegiate Institute for Young Ladies), and a Henry Mankin.   

Reverend Rowan’s school for boys was starting its eighth year when de Gournay arrived on the scene.  It first was known as the Trinity School for Boys and located at 38 Saratoga Street (1859, 1860). By 1865, Rowan’s endeavor was advertised as the Classical Mathematical and English School for Boys, having relocated to 52 N. Charles (1865, 1866).  The year after de Gournay’s advertisement, it was promoted as a Classical School for Young Gentlemen, then in its Ninth Annual Session and in new quarters at 20 Mulberry Street, with T. R. Anspach, D. D., assisting as co-principal. 

De Gournay was enthusiastic about his newest vocation and jumped quickly into educational discussions about the quality of textbooks on the local market. An article appearing in the 17 February 1868 edition of the Sun called for the Maryland state legislature not just to meet supply needs in the classroom, but to support texts “liberalizing and refining the mind, promoting moral purity, and entirely free from sectarianism and sectionalism.”  The article stated that the school book trade in the United States had risen to some $5.5 million dollars in 1860.  Additionally, it was pointed out that the city of Baltimore possessed the know-how and experience to lead the surge, with such publishers as John Murphy & Co. and Kelly & Piet capable of expanding their sales to “the Southern communities with which our business and social relations are so near and intimate.”  

Paul was undoubtedly receiving royalties from Kelly & Piet, which had just published “new editions of Tower’s series of school books, revised and improved by P. F. De Gournay, late of New Orleans.”  The reworked Tower’s books touched a variety of areas – spelling, reading, grammar, algebra, math works penned by Gen. F. H. Smith (superintendent and professor at Virginia Military Institute), and “approved classical books &c.”  An advertisement in the 18 February Sun offered more specifics, touting recommended booklists from St. Mary’s College (Baltimore) and VMI, short descriptions, and prices.  De Gournay’s editing was once again described as free from “isms” that were thought to have divided America.  Of course, it caused no harm to say that the readings would not tire out the reader because “they are truly the noblest specimens of literature, the productions of gifted minds, pure in thought, chaste in expression, and refined in sentiment, addressing the imagination as well as the reason.” By the way, de Gournay’s own cloth edition of “First Steps in French” was on sale for 60 cents! Two weeks later, the newspaper offered a long commentary on the state and availability of textbooks on the market, with a shout-out to the Tower’s series, books by a Professor A. Guyot, and a “Southern University Series” authored by professors from the University of Virginia. Made most clear throughout the discussion was meeting the “wants of Southern education,” i. e., release from the intellectual dominance of the Yankee Northeast! 

De Gournay’s Southern roots would remain dear to him until his death, but, above all, he was a Frenchman and deeply affected by another conflict of the decade – the Franco-Prussian War – that had totally humiliated France.  He was among fifteen influential French residents from all walks of Baltimore life who were selected to spearhead a relief effort for the mother country in the midst of devastation resulting in starvation, lack of shelter, and displacement.  Soliciting funds from local supporters of the French cause, the committee, which included Dr. Chatard and Gen. Félix Agnus (of the Baltimore American), placed an advertisement in the 5 October 1870 edition of the Sun. This “Appeal for Aid to French Sufferers” sought to address “these appalling miseries [which] require prompt and immediate relief or disease and death will do that work with terrible rapidity.”12 

We can easily trace the Frenchman’s presence in the city through 1872. Settling in at 274 Franklin Street, the professor would continue his teaching and return to writing that had occupied him for a short time in Louisiana and in Alabama. Directed to his former clientele in the Pelican State, the following paragraph appeared in the New Orleans Crescent on 26 November 1867: 

P. F. de Gournay, Esq., formerly connected with the Picayune, and now residing in Baltimore, is writing for the Catholic Standard, of Philadelphia, a series of reminiscences of New Orleans, which are marked with a lively interest.

For good measure, he made sure that a copy of his work was shared with the Times-Picayune and acknowledged in its 5 December 1867 edition. 

The professor was involved with fellow countrymen and expats in Baltimore’s French Benevolent Society and served on its board (Sun, 30 October 1869). The Baltimore city directories from 1870 to 1872 furthered showed that his association with Messrs. Murphy, Kelly, and Piet vaulted him to the position of editor of the influential Catholic Mirror.  The Mirror had begun publication in 1851 and officially disseminated news of the archdiocese, which had been decidedly pro-Confederate during the past war.  After hostilities ended, the newspaper called for reconciliation and healing, and in the 1870s, it would advocate for immigrants, Blacks, and Native Americans. Well-established with his newspaper post, de Gournay was now in a position to return a favor by recommending an experienced grad of the University of Paris, a Mr. A. Baudry, 349 Fayette Street, for employment as a French instructor, just as he was treated four years earlier.13  

De Gournay is absent from the Baltimore city directories for most of the 1870s.  Perhaps there was a return to France for some of that period.  Nevertheless, research has also uncovered that he was residing in Chicago in 1875 and 1877.  In 1875, he is listed as a French teacher housed at 800 Wabash Avenue.  Two years later, in 1877, he has moved to 1029 W. Wabash Avenue and is noted as an employee of Dearborn Seminary, a female prep school established by Zuinglius Grover in 1854.  That institution later became affiliated with the University of Chicago in 1899. 

Paul’s obituary in 1904 does not address the Chicago experience, but it does describe the Frenchman as “a very scholarly man and a gentleman of the old school, with the most exalted notion of personal honor as a distinguishing trait of the real gentleman.”  It might even be said that he was very reassured that his way of teaching was the correct one!  A 29 August 1879 article in the Sun clearly illustrates this point. A report submitted to the newspaper about the proceedings at the annual Maryland State Teachers Association Convention in Hagerstown mentioned de Gournay and a proxy, Belle Hampson, speaking for him in a morning session on the 28th concerning the status of French instruction in Maryland.  In no way, would de Gournay be swayed by the latest in language methodology: 

Miss Belle Hampton read a report on French [in the morning session], prepared by Prof De Gournay, who was absent.   The paper condemns Dr. Sauveur’s new method of teaching this and other languages.  Prof. Sheldon, of Boston, indorsed [sic] the report and expressed a desire for its publication in full.

Denigrated at that moment was the work of Lambert Sauveur, who, during the previous two decades, had espoused a “natural method” based wholly on conversation, as opposed to the then-favored “grammar translation method.”  Sauveur’s non-traditional approach was gaining favor in certain private schools in the Northeast when de Gournay vented his disapproval of language education that only brought learners quickly into expressing simple phrases and finding quick access to communication, with grammar finding its place later in the acquisition process. The “direct method,” as such, was threatening to many, yet appeared very natural for young learners.  Sauveur had presented his methodology at a summer school for teachers established in 1877 at Amherst College, and he would go on to influence another famous émigré-linguist, Maximilian Berlitz, who became quite famous for his own schools and today’s language guides. No further references to the language battle have been found in regard to de Gournay. 

The professor rose to greater prominence in Baltimore’s civic affairs in the 1880s and 1890s.  As noted on my blog of 10 October 2023, de Gournay participated in some of planning for the city’s Oriole celebration in the fall of 1881.  In fact, he was quite often mentioned with regard to parades, politics, and centennials.  In spite of his aristocratic roots, de Gournay was a Democrat and a supporter of republics on both shores of the Atlantic and in the Caribbean.  

In November 1884, he was once again marching in the streets, this time occasioned by the victory of the national ticket of Grover Cleveland (NY) and Thomas A. Hendricks (Indiana), who was in the vice-presidential conversation since 1876.  Described in the Sun as “virtually an impromptu affair,” the Democratic triumph in 1884 drew 5000 marchers, musicians, the governor and city officials, to a mid-afternoon procession through downtown streets to City Hall, where some 10-15,000 had gathered. As with the festivities in 1881, well-dressed tradesmen and professionals grouped by divisions and rejoiced with flags, placards, bells, and firecrackers.  No trade or profession seemed to have been excluded: members of the Corn and Flour Exchange, the Stock Exchange, the Cleveland Club, dry goods and clothing merchants and manufacturers, lumbermen, grocers, oyster packers and can makers, boot and shoemakers, builders and mechanics, pharmacists, brewers and distillers, hardware merchants and iron tradesmen, hatters, folks engaged in coffee and cotton, fertilizer manufacturers, tobacco and candy merchants, news dealers and carriers, physicians, architects, artists, lawyers, and political partisans under the direction of de Gournay and others. Cleveland would serve as president in non-consecutive terms, 1885-1889 and 1893-1897. Unfortunately, Hendricks lasted only a few months because of poor health that sent him to the grave in November 1885, at the age of 66.  

De Gournay was most notably identified as a teacher, while finding time to express himself in print or lecturing.  On 22 July 1880, his piece entitled “How Port Hudson Surrendered,” from the Philadelphia Weekly Times, was reprinted in the Times-Picayune. On 3 December 1886, the Morning News of Wilmington, Delaware, reported that an article that he had penned, “Creole Peculiarities,” was included in the most recent edition of the Magazine of American History. For the greater part of his life in Baltimore, the title “professor” preceded his name.  It can also be added that, for a time, he was manager of the library of the local Cercle Littéraire, which offered books in French for summer reading in 1883. With this position came the announcement that the library “has been transferred to No. 89 Bolton Street, upstairs.” That move failed to say that the new address would also be home for de Gournay until 1885 or early 1886!14 

Nevertheless, his professional duties changed dramatically in June of 1887, when he was promoted from acting to permanent consular agent for France – a fact so noted as far away as Kansas in six different newspapers!15 It seems that one of his first challenges involved supplying the French government with 3 million kilograms of tobacco.16 On the side, de Gournay also would function as a wine exporter and even as a foreign correspondent. 

In Maryland, the centennial of the French Revolution in 1889 was commemorated in two stages.  On 5 May, approximately 35 Francophone residents of Baltimore gathered at the residence of J. B. Cary at 4 S. Gay Street to remember the États Généraux that had brought together all three estates of society at Versailles before the dramatic uprising at the Bastille.17 At this afternoon event, the consular agent delivered a speech in a hall decorated in the republican bleu, blanc et rouge, with prominent pictures of President Sadi Carnot and Léon Gambetta, lilacs, and a large R. F. (referring to the country’s official title as the République Française), thus demonstrating that there was no place for pro-monarchy whispers in Baltimore that were not yet totally extinguished in the mother country.  To quote the French representative: 

The principles of 1789 have been a blessing not only to France, but to all civilized nations. . . . The republican idea has outlived defeat and usurpation, and today the republic is deeply rooted in France and will live forever. The minister of foreign affairs, mindful that in many distant countries there are Frenchmen whose loving thoughts are turned to their native land, has instructed his agents, of every class, to gather around the flag their fellow-citizens, so that they may participate, in heart and mind, in the feeling of patriotic gratitude with which republican France celebrates today the great anniversary of the fifth of May.

At the end of three honors of tributes, drinks, and patriotic songs, it was decided that perhaps a “great picnic” would be scheduled for Bastille Day two months later.  Baltimore French residents were also encouraged to open their hands and purses to assisting needy Frenchmen coming to the city in search of employment – an appeal that would complement the good work of the local French Benevolent Association, so described in both volumes of Becoming the Frenchified State of Maryland.18 

Bastille Day 1889 in Baltimore was more than just an outdoor affair! On the evening of 14 July, guests invited to the celebration at Reilly’s Hotel first assembled at the Cary house on S. Gay Street for a formal walk led by a color guard to the hotel banquet. Although the Sun reported that Baltimore’s native French community then numbered fewer than a hundred, some thirty celebrants were seated at two long tables in a hall decorated in a similar fashion to the previous 5 May event, this time with a Victor Hugo quote hanging behind the main podium. Republicans Carnot and Gambetta were still on their minds: the former, as respected president from 1887 until his tragic assassination by an Italian anarchist in 1894, and the latter, as one of the fathers of the Third Republic who had passed away at the early age of 44, in 1882. 

This assembly was addressed by de Gournay; Capt. Hipolite Lejeune, the only local resident wearing the prestigious cross of the Légion d’Honneur; August Lambla, an Alsatian, whose birthplace was lost to the Prussians in 1871; Eugène Gros; August Faure, secretary to President Mayer, of the influential Baltimore and Ohio Railroad; and François B. Cary.   Lejeune, Lambla, and Gros all spoke of the tragic territorial loss in eastern France and the desire for revenge. Nevertheless, de Gournay had the last word and offered, instead, a tribute to the patriotism of French women, which, he suggested, was even higher than that of men!  Perhaps, some female guests should have been invited to hear his praise! 

One participant who did stand out once again was Oliver Conklin, a Martiniquais who had spent the whole century in Baltimore and proudly proclaimed that he was 99 years old and had served with his father as a defender against the British attack on the city’s outer limits in 1814. Conklin, then described as “a swarthy bent old man” enjoyed his moment in the spotlight and “ate as heartily and talked as merrily as any guest present.”19 

As the centennial year was closing, both female and male guests from Baltimore had the opportunity to attend Sunday mass at 10 a.m. on board the French frigate Arethuse in early November.20  The special invitation was extended to the community by the vessel’s chief officer, Admiral Brown de Colstoun, with the assistance of de Gournay.  A wet morning prevented some of the invitees from attending, but those who braved the ride from Henderson’s wharf to the anchored frigate in a pelting rain were treated to much pomp, a naval band and a complement of 300 seamen and officers assembled on deck.  It appears that the rain did subside and a tour was given after mass.  Among those present were de Gournay and his daughter Blanche, a couple of wives, five additional young ladies, Prof. Bonnotte [sic], and at least eight other males from the community. Cardinal James Gibbons, head of the Baltimore archdiocese, would be making his own visit to the Arethuse the following day in acknowledgement of an official visit of ship officers to his residence the previous Friday.  

It is interesting to note that the most recent form of republicanism in France was just nineteen years old at the time and not a one-hundred-per-cent certainty to survive.  Still lurking in the shadows was General Georges Boulanger, a distinguished guest in Baltimore along with the Count Rochambeau, for the Oriole/Yorktown festivities in 1881.  At the time of that official visit, Boulanger was a military adviser and soon-to-be director in the French war office. He was popular for his stance on seeking revenge for the defeat at the hands of Prussia in 1870-71, which led to the bloodbath that claimed 20,000 Communards engaged in civil strife. The general’s profile rose steadily as he moved toward Bonapartist and monarchist leanings. In 1888, he had been expelled from the army, but, in January 1889, he was overwhelmingly elected as a député, with aspirations similar to those that brought Napoleon’s nephew to power in 1851.  Was Carnot’s job in jeopardy and a coup in store again?  Baltimore’s Frenchmen took different stances on the danger posed by Boulanger.  Was he just an ambitious, self-promoting ladies’ man who was bent on discipline and had no fear of Bismarck? When asked for his personal opinion on the matter, de Gournay said that he was surprised by the rise of boulangisme: “Most assuredly, I would not [have voted for him]. In regard his election not as dangerous, but rather as an undesirable event that bodes the republic no good.”21 

Boulanger, in fact, did not survive the grand moment. By 1 April 1889, he had fled the French capital, charged with treason and conspiracy and forced into exile.  As a footnote, in September 1891, he shot himself in the head at the grave of his mistress! 

De Gournay’s life was considerably less dramatic.  He was the face of official France in Baltimore until his resignation as consular agent in 1894. In spite of what he may have thought personally, Agent de Gournay was caught in the middle of a tariff controversy in 1890 imposing a French duty on American corn, retaliation in America, and a possible boycott on French exports to the United States.22 For the greater part of the time, however, the work was pleasant and even instructive.  On one such occasion prior to the end of his tenure, he welcomed Drs. Ernest Milliau and Leon Berrier, scientists from France and Tunisia, respectively, who were advocating uniform testing of fats and oils in commerce with America. Commissioner Milliau had just delivered a lecture on the topic to the American Chemical Society in New York and had also stopped by the Franklin Institute in Philadelphia.  

As viewed previously, occasional ship receptions were also a part of his duties, and the Sun has more than adequately covered two French men-of-war, such as the Bouvet and the Hussard, also docking in Baltimore waters near Canton in 1887 and 1892.23 Moreover, decades of deep relationships also required his presence at funerals in the community: for example, as pall-bearer at a requiem mass for Mme Clotilde de Gola (1894) and honorary pall-bearer at the service for Prof. Bernhard de Courlaender (1898).24 

 
De Gournay was succeeded by Julian O. Ellinger, of Baltimore, whose post-consular affairs involved suits regarding real estate in Superior Court and in the Maryland Court of Appeals (1898 and 1900). In any case, Ellinger’s tenure was short and the next consul, Léonce Rabillon, was in the French service for more than three decades. 

Dé Gournay’s withdrawal from his office gave him more time to enjoy the lecture circuit.  According to the Sun edition of 28 September 1894, the ex-consular agent addressed a fundraiser for the Religio-Philosophical Lyceum and, in 1899, he delivered two lectures in French at the hall of the Colonial Dames at 417 N. Charles Street.  For his 4 May 1899 presentation, he extolled famous French women. While the event was described in the Sun in sexist language that does not translate well in today’s world, the professor did choose to highlight quite a variety of heroines: Clotilda (wife of Clovis), St. Geneviève (patroness of Paris who confronted Attila the Hun), Jeanne d’Arc, Marguerite de Valois, Mary Stuart, and Mesdames de Scudéry, de Sévigné, de Lafayette, de Staël, de Récamier, and Dreyfus (whose husband was undergoing quite a trial in France). The 11 May lecture for the Colonial Dames focused on “Legendary and Heraldic Animals.”25

As the 20th century brought its own particular political challenges worldwide, de Gournay’s active life was coming to a close. Surely, he and his wife Annette were still listed in annual Blue Book registers, but more news would focus on daughter Blanche’s social and professional career.  Paul’s linguistic expertise in French and Spanish was now being advertised with regard to legal and commercial activities.  As noted, he desired to help clients navigate translation difficulties and proper legal wording for documents. The year 1903 was not without a trip to France, where Paul and Annette were seen dining at the Hotel Ritz while others celebrated Carnaval in Nice, family reunions, the theatre, art exhibitions, and socializing with the others in the “American Colony” there.25 

De Gournay continued to change residences in Baltimore – from McCulloh Street in 1902 to W. Hoffman in 1904.  Physically, he was failing, and the press anticipated an unhappy ending. In just two paragraphs, a 16 March article in the Sun describes Paul as a colonel, marquis, former estate manager, and consul who is “seriously ill at his home” at 309 W. Hoffman. Indeed, his death certificate on 26 July stated that a chronic bronchitis contributed to his demise at 11:30 a.m. that day. That report was signed by George Wilson, of the same address. One would have only hoped that Annette or Blanche would have clearly spoken to the moment or that Paul had left unambiguous notes, for some facts on that certificate just add confusion to the gentleman’s first moments on earth. 

The next day’s Sun of de Gournay’s contained a thumb-nail announcement and a long obituary in the same edition.  Initially, the public was informed that the professor’s funeral would take place from the family residence at 3:00 p.m. on the 28th, with a private interment.  The detailed article offered a clearer picture: a funeral officiated by Rev. Thomas M. O’Donoghue at Immaculate Conception Catholic Church and burial arrangements at Loudon Park Cemetery to be handled by the Maryland Line Confederate Veterans.  His obituary acknowledged his proud service to the South and membership in the Maryland Society of the Army and Navy of the Confederate States and the Isaac R. Trimble Camp of Confederate Veterans.  Yet, even his final resting place in a section reserved for Southern partisans (plot H-08) was not without a factual error: the marker placed at the site mistakenly shows that he had died on 23 July, in contradiction to all sources! 

While not mentioned in the Sun, the Frenchman was preceded in death by several sisters, including Marie Geneviève Alexandrine (a native of Kingston, Jamaica; widow of Simon O’Callaghan, who had died on 30 December 1830, around age 22, in the Marigny quarter of New Orleans) and Aimée (Marie Hélène Georgina Aimée), widow of Eugène Roux, who had passed away at the age of 75 from arteriosclerosis in New Orleans, 1471 Villier Street, on 19 March 1901).26 

With Paul’s death, his widow and daughter continued to be listed in the social register for many years to come.  The Sun and other sources did a fine job of documenting Blanche’s professional and societal experiences over the next couple of decades, and mother Annette would live to the age of 86 years, 10 months, and 14 days, until her death in late 1919. 

Shortly after, Annette moved back to McCulloh Street, while Blanche remained for more than two years at their previous home on West Hoffman before giving up that property and taking “rooms for the rest of the winter [of 1906] at 1418 Bolton street.”27According to her death certificate (D 37601), Annette spent perhaps a decade at 811 N. Charles Street, before passing away in the care of the nuns at the Bon Secours Convent, 2000 West Baltimore Street, on 15 December 1919.28 That document cites her birth in France on 1 February 1833. Nothing was known about her mother’s maiden name, although the father was perhaps surnamed Billard – not the Roux that would have linked her to New Orleans in 1860.  Her death was attributed to chronic intestinal problems and nephritis.  Two days later, she was buried in the same cemetery as her husband.29 

Blanche’s life before her father’s death was mostly limited to the society pages as a single person.  Appearing on the 1880 and 1900 U.S. censuses as living at home, it would appear that she dutifully lived a long time with her parents until Paul’s passing in her forties.  She is first noted in the Sun in 1895 as assisting at the reception table for a five o’clock tea hosted by the Misses Robinson at 1012 St. Paul Street.  Two years later, she was present at a seven-handed euchre party and luncheon at 107 West 20th Street, given by Miss Fannie Alma Dixon in honor of Miss Lucy Howard.30 

By the first decade of the 1900s, Blanche had her own calling in education and then in business.  It is not clear whether she was a teacher before being listed as such on the 1900 US Census.31 Advertisements in the Sun in 1900 and in 1901 noted her employment at the Randolph-Harrison School, a prep school located at 1405 Park Avenue. Blanche taught French and Conversation et Lecture in a world that included such institutions as Girls’ Latin, Cary School for Girls, Wilford Home School for Girls, Edgeworth Boarding and Day School, the Woman’s College of Baltimore, and Notre Dame of Maryland.32  

Blanche’s genteel life did not let up.  On a wet November afternoon in 1900, she was part of a very large guest list of 400 invited to a reception on board the French flagship Cecille.  The invitees were taken by launch from the foot of Broadway Street, on Fell’s Point,  In spite of the inclement weather, two fleet captains welcomed all with electric lighting, music, dancing, bunting, flowers, and a luncheon.  In the spring of 1901, she was mentioned in reference to two activities under the auspices of the Cercle Français: in March, as a member of the receiving party for a lecture by Gaston Deschamps, a literary critic for Paris Temps, who spoke on the “French Press in the Nineteenth Century,” and as an attendee at a Saturday evening event featuring a fencing exhibition, instrumentalists, a vocalist, and dramatic recitations sponsored by the Alliance Française and Le Cercle Français, again held at the assembly rooms of the Woman’s Literary Club. The next spring (1902), Blanche worked at the French table for an international bazaar at Lehmann’s Hall, which netted $600-700 for the for the benefit of playground and domestic training projects carried out by the United Women organization.33 In January 1904, she was called on one more time to greet guests at a reception hosted by Josepk K. Wells and Miss Effie Elliot Johnston, 102 East Lafayette Avenue, for a Miss Wells, a debutante spending the winter in the city at the home of Mrs. Edward Lucas White. No dancing is mentioned, but a card party limited to recent debutantes and 22 young male guests followed the reception. A much more elegant reception required Blanche’s presence the following month when Charles Tiernan hosted an annual evening event at Colonial House, the home of the Maryland Society of the Colonial Dames of America, 417 N. Charles Street. This grand celebration featured an orchestra, buffet supper, and fine china, silver, a chandelier and candelabra, and crystal from the Tiernan family collection.  It was such a big deal that even Cardinal James Gibbons and other clergy were present to declare openly their ties to one of Baltimore’s most famous Catholic families!34 

Just seven weeks after her father’s passing in 1904, Blanche opened the Little French Tea Room with her younger friend, Mary Chisolm Trenholm, described five years later on her wedding as a “bright brave Confederate girl” from a South Carolina roots.  Figuring that Baltimore was in need of a good commercial coffee, desserts, and late breakfasts and hot lunches for businessmen, the unmarried women opened their “bohemian little dining room” on 12 September with a “sweet and obliging” method not determined by a set closing hour.  Frequented by bankers and distinguished clients displaced and distraught after the Great Baltimore Fire in early February 1904, the establishment was located in a house in the back of the Hotel Rennert.  It was one of a handful of small dining venues – including the Virginia Lunchroom and the Dutch Tea Room – owned by “smart set” proprietresses, whose photos accompanied the 16 October article in the Sun. After a listing on Clay Street in the 1905 city directory, lunchroom customers found their house standards -rum pumpkin pie and fruits stewed in claret – at 10 E. Lexington Street.  The lunchroom was directed by the two friends until 1906, at which time Blanche kept up the venture herself through 1908 or 1909 before her return to teaching.  After this hiatus from the classroom, she would find herself listed in 1908 in relation to a school run by the Stony Run Meeting of Friends (Quakers).35 

Certainly, it was a busy time for Blanche as she reached her mid-forties. The local news documented her continued participation with her peers: membership in the Cercle Français des Pierrots, a group begun around 1905 that enjoyed studying and presenting small French plays; attendance at a ladies’ luncheon in November 1905 at the Hamilton Terrace home of Mrs. Arnold Kummer and Miss Helen Kummer; assistance with cake and ice cream at an annual lawn party sponsored by the Board of Visitors at the Confederate Soldiers’ Home in suburban Pikesville (1906); a 15th wedding anniversary reception for friends on N. Charles Street (1909); and activities with the French section of the Arundell Club (1910-11).36 

Her former business partner, Mary Chisholm Trenholm, wed, at the age of 33, James F. Ferguson on 28 October 1909. The groom, also from South Carolina stock, was the Argentine Republic’s consul in Baltimore.  Mary’s grandfather had practiced medicine, so it was no surprise that her sister Lila (Lillie) had served as a nurse at the University of Maryland Hospital and had married a doctor, Walton H. Hopkins, in June 1909.37 Dr. Hopkins, then in Annapolis, was a graduate of the university. 

It becomes a little more difficult to document Blanche’s life in the second decade of the twentieth century.  In 1915, she is listed on the social registry as residing in New York City, yet, by early summer 1916, the Sun has announced that she was “recovering from an illness of several weeks.”  Without her mother after 1919, she was listed as a 54-year-old (most probably, 58) alien at 811 N. Charles Street on the 1920 U.S. Census and was absent from the news until her proposed French Home and Chaperonage in 1922-23, which she established as she was entering her early sixties.    

Surely, the world war in Europe still weighed heavily on her mind at that time, for, in 1923, Blanche served as a patroness for a relief concert for “the devastated France” fund. This event was sponsored by the U.S. Fidelity and Guaranty Company and took place in its clubroom at 26 South Calvert Street.38 That same year, on 22 June, a Marie Paule de Gournay was listed as a patroness at a benefit for science research in France, held at the Evergreen outdoor theater. Specifically, donations were asked for the Académie des Sciences de Paris and “a general movement now in progress throughout France for the aid of science and humane investigation.”39 For that special mid-afternoon event, the Sun did not fail to point out that the patronage included French ambassador Jusserand, Consul Léonce Rabillon, and Gen. Félix Agnus. Indeed, a “large contingent of society” was present to support the cause and to enjoy an excerpt from Molière’s Le Dépit Amoureux.  

Blanche would return to Park Avenue in 1926.  Two years later, the society page announced that she was spending the month of July with Mrs. Dawson Maynard at her home at 1514 Park Avenue.40  By 1931, the Blue Book notes that she was residing at 20 E. 74th Street, in Manhattan, but it is unknown for what duration. In November 1936, news arrived from Westchester County, New York, that Blanche had received $1000 from the estate of Georgia M. Curlett née Wadlow, of New Rochelle.  Mrs. Curlett, whose deceased spouse Allen S. was identified years earlier as a merchant in wholesale and retail tobacco, was a native of Maryland.41 Georgia had quite recently passed away on 1 November, willing large and small amounts to a number of legatees across the United States and in Finland, including the local Christian Science church in New Rochelle and the Mother Church in Boston. From probate, it is known that Blanche was then living at 205 W. Madison Street in Baltimore. 

Over the years, Blanche would come to be identified in directories as Blanche Marie Paule, B. M. P., or Marie Paule. On the 1940 U. S. Census, there is a Paule DeTournay [sic] at 716 Park Avenue, Baltimore.  While she is listed as a naturalized widow from France, with a high school education, and an age of 57, we should not necessarily take as gospel truth a dutiful census taker’s attempt at accuracy any more than in 1900.42 This same Paula de Gournay (widow, French origin, naturalized) jumped to age 84 on the 1950 census! Two Baltimore city directories (1940 and 1942) list her at the 716 Park Avenue address, as does the 1950 census.  Yes, it is very possible that Blanche could have still been alive in mid-century! Her mother, Annette, had certainly lived just as long.  

As a final observation, let me finish with a curious ad from the 20 March 1955 edition of the Sun, in which the Jamgotch Company, of Baltimore, announced a “Warehouseman’s Sale,” or public auction, of rugs left in storage by many negligent (or deceased) women and subject to liens. Madame Paule de Gourney’s name is attached to one of those items (labeled 1018). 

No record of Blanche’s death can be presently found, but the exploration continues, and hopefully, one day, this historian can be finally put her to rest. 

Nevertheless, it has been a fascinating experience delving into this “lost” family. 

PAUL F. DE GOURNAY in city directories, etc. 

NEW ORLEANS: 

YearNumberAdditional Information
1861233 Main(De Gourney, listed on p. 129)

BALTIMORE: 

YearAddressAdditional Information
1867-6894 Pearl Street
1868-69274 Franklin StreetBookkeeper
1870274 Franklin StreetEditor, Catholic Mirror
1871274 Franklin StreetEditor, Catholic Mirror
46 Lexington Street
1872274 Franklin StreetEditor, Catholic Mirror
46 Lexington Street
1873Not listed
1874Not listed

CHICAGO: 

YearAddressAdditional Information
1875800 Wabash AvenueFrench teacher
1876Not listedNot listed
18771029 Wabash AvenueDearborn Seminary

BALTIMORE: 

YearAddressAdditional Information
1878215 W. Biddle StreetTeacher (Prof. P. F.)
187989 Cathedral StreetTeacher (Prof. P. F.)
188089 Cathedral StreetTeacher (Prof. P. F.)
188175 Preston StreetTeacher (Prof. P. F.)
1882255 N. Eutaw StreetTeacher (Prof. P. F. De Gourney)
1883255 N. Eutaw StreetTeacher (Prof. P. F. De Gourney)
188489 Bolton StreetTeacher (Prof. P F. De Gourney)
188589 Bolton StreetTeacher (Prof. P. F. De Gourney)
1886205 Druid Hill AvenueTeacher (Prof. P. F. De Gournay)
1887118 E. Fayette StreetActing consular agent, Consular Agency of France
188833 S. Gay StreetManager’s agent and French Consular Agent
188933 S. Gay StreetConsular agent of France; importer of wines, etc.
189033 S. Gay StreetConsular agent of France; importer of wines, etc.
189133 S. Gay StreetConsular agent of France and importer
189233 S. Gay StreetConsular agent of France and importer
1893-9439 Post Office AvenueFrench consul
189439 Post Office AvenueConsular agent
18941121 Druid Hill Avenue
18951121 Druid Hill AvenueCorrespondent
18971121 Druid Hill AvenueTeacher
18981121 Druid Hill AvenueTeacher
1901301 W. Lanvale StreetTeacher (Paul F. De Gournay)
19031017 McCulloh StreetTeacher (Paul F. de Gournay)
1904309 W. Hoffman StreetTeacher (Paul F. De Gournay)

ANNETTE DE GOURNAY in city directories: BALTIMORE 

YearAddressAdditional Information
18891121 Druid Hill Avenueco-listed with husband
19071025 McCulloh StreetMrs. Annett De Gournay, C & P Telephone: St. Paul 8467
19081025 McCulloh StreetMrs. Annett Gournay
19121027 McCulloh StreetMrs. Annett De Gourney
19131010 McCulloh StreetMrs. Annett De Gourney
19151012 McCulloh StreetJeanette De Gourney
19171017 Madison AvenueMme Paul De Gournay
1918809 Park Avenue
1918-19800 Park AvenueMme Paul De Gournay
1920811 N. Charles StreetMme Paul De Gournay; listed but deceased
1921811 N. Charles StreetMme Paul De Gournay; most probably confused with Blanche

BLANCHE DE GOURNAY in city directories:

YearAddressAdditional Information
1905309 W. Hoffman Street
23 Clay Street
Little French Coffee Room (Trenholm & de Gournay, prop.) C & P Telephone: Mt. Vernon 3452
1906309 W. Hoffman Street
10 E. Lexington Street
– Trenholm & De Gournay
– C & P Telephone: Mt. Vernon 3452
190710 E. Lexington Street
(h) The Arundel (1320 N. Charles Street)
lunchroom; phone: St. Paul 2463
190810 E. Lexington Street
(h) Mt. Washington
Little French Coffee Room (B. M. de Gournay, prop.)
phone: St. Paul 8467
19091526 Park Avenueteacher (Blanche M. De Gourney)
1912The Beethoven
(1534 Park Avenue)
(Blanch De Gourney)
19231221 N. Calvert StreetFrench Home & Chaperonage (B. M. P. de Gournay)
1926Park Avenue & Wilson(BMP de Gournay)
19362735 N. Charles St.(Marie P. De Gournay)
1940716 Park Avenue
(furnished rooms)
(Mme Paule Degourgnay)
1942716 Park AvenuePaule (wid Paul?)
1950Madison Street 1950 U. S. Census: 84 years old; running boarding house with 7 lodgers from aged 39-79

BALTIMORE CITY TELEPHONE DIRECTORIES: Mlle Paule de Gournay

YearAddressTelephone Number
1944-45716 Park AvenueVErnon 8648
1948716 Park AvenuePLaza 3741
1950716 Park AvenuePLaza 3741

BLUE BOOKS (Society Visiting Lists; copies in the Maryland Center for History and Culture, Baltimore) 

YearAddressAdditional Information
18891121 Druid Hill AvenueMr. & Mrs. De Gournay, Miss Blanche De Gournay
1908Mt. WashingtonMadame Paul F. de Gournay, Mademoiselle De Gournay
19101534 Park AvenueMadame Paul F. De Gournay, Mademoiselle De Gournay
1915NY CityMlle de Gournay
1916no addressMlle de Gournay
1920811 N. Charles Streetlisted under G: Madame Paul Francois de Gournay
Mademoiselle Blanche Marie Paule de Gournay
1921811 N. Charles StreetMademoiselle Blanche Marie Paule de Gournay
193120 E. 74th Street, NY CityMlle Blanche Marie Paule de Gournay
  1. Sun, 21 Jul 1922. E. N. Englehart & Co: lease for only one year.  Despite being in remarkably good condition, the 18-room Victorian row house was restored in the 1970s by Mitch Cator and Al Norwood.  Only the plumbing, electrical fixtures, and kitchen needed a considerable upgrade at that time. According to an article entitled “Friendly ghost haunts Calvert-street row house,” Sun, 29 Dec 1977, “the woodwork on the first floor is still in its original state, never having been painted.  The living room is solid cherry – fireplace, mantel, shutters and baseboard.  The dining room, hallway and stairs are golden oak.” ↩︎
  2. Orleans Parish death certificate #104 states that Francis de Gournay, son of Michel Isaac De Gournay and Françoise Cheveleau, was born in Marmelade, on Saint-Domingue’s north side.  He died at 8:00 pm on 10 September 1838. His widow Jeanne Marie Pauline Hélène resided at 187 Royal Street, between Toulouse and St. Pierre Sts. (Rufino Thomas Fernandez, Keeper of Records at St. Louis Cathedral/Vincent Ramos, Recorder of Births and Deaths for the Parish and City of New Orleans). She died at home, at 64 St. Anne Street, between Condi and Royal Sts., on 7 October 1840 (#625, Ramos/Fernandez). ↩︎
  3. Quoted in full at https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/civil-war-cubans/degournay-2.htm. ↩︎
  4. In those days, a marriage license required a $1000 bond. When the relationship proved successful, the amount was excused. ↩︎
  5. Times-Picayune, 8 Nov 1855. ↩︎
  6. The Library of Congress mentions it in its Chronicling America endeavor, but that venerated institution has no idea how long the newspaper lasted. ↩︎
  7. “Louisiana Parish Marriages, 1837-1957,” familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:QKJC-96XP. The Roux marriage took place on 16 February 1849, according to “Louisiana Parish Marriages,” VEE 678, p. 115. ↩︎
  8. Times-Picayune, 11 Apr 1861. ↩︎
  9. Mauriel Phillips Joslyn, The Biographical Roster of the Immortal 600 (Shippensburg, PA: White Mane Publishing Company, Inc., 1995. ↩︎
  10. Montgomery Daily Mail, 27 Dec 1865. ↩︎
  11. Richmond (Virginia) Times, 12 March 1866; the Wilmington (North Carolina) Daily Dispatch, 14 Mar 1866; and The Daily Book (Norfolk, Virginia), 14 Mar 1866. ↩︎
  12. The committee appointed on 26 September: Chatard, Agnus, F. Decourt, Charles Totzauer, F. Dandelet, V. Rigueur, L. Guilhermoz, L. Leloup, S. Odend’hal, J. B. Charron, L. Rabillon, Charles Krause, A. L. Milles, A. de Katow, and de Gournay. ↩︎
  13. Sun, 30 Aug 1870. ↩︎
  14. Sun, 18 Jun 1883. ↩︎
  15. The Pittsburg Daily Headlight, The Daily Gazette (Kansas City, KS), The Evening Tribune (Lawrence), 25 Jun 1887; the Junction City Daily Union and the Fort Scott Daily Tribune and Fort Scott Daily Monitor, 27 Jun 1887; and The Paola Times, 30 Jun 1887. ↩︎
  16. Sun, 10 May 1887. See also the announcement and official recognition of his appointment by the President of the United States, “Washington Notes,” Sun, 25 Jun 1887. ↩︎
  17. Among the guests: Ernest Gourdeau, Eugène Bergadieu, Louis and Jean Remillieux, Étienne Cary, Adolphe Seel, Charles and Gaspard Kopp, Louis Lefranc, Guillaume Geanty, François Jeuness [sic], A. Lambla, François Dalby, Lucien Odend’hal, François Fatzauer, Jérôme Lang, Gustave Renault, Hubert Trocillient, and William H. Perkins, Jr. (a descendant of the illustrious family). ↩︎
  18.  Sun, The Buffalo Times, Evening Capital (Annapolis), Camden (NJ) Courier Post, all dated 6 May 1889. ↩︎
  19. Sun, 15 Jul 1889. More on Conklin – festivities in the fall of 1889, his true age, and his death – can be found in Becoming the Frenchified State of Maryland, 1:565-67. ↩︎
  20. Sun, 4 Nov 1889. ↩︎
  21. Sun, 29 Jan 1889. ↩︎
  22. Sun, 7 Aug 1890. ↩︎
  23. Sun, 17 Nov 1887 and 5 Nov 1892.  The Hussard was on her way to Guadeloupe after visits to Montréal, Québec, Portland (Maine), Provincetown (Massachusetts), and New York. It was in the latter port that she had participated in a naval parade celebrating the 400th anniversary of Columbus’s arrival in America. The Sun also pointed out that the Hussard was “the first French war vessel that has visited this port since the L’Arethuse was here, two years ago” under the command of Admiral Brown de Colstoun, who had been promoted to the command of the naval station located at the port of Toulon, on France’s Mediterranean coast. ↩︎
  24. Sun, 21 Apr 1894 and 16 Apr 1898. ↩︎
  25. Sun, 22 Feb 1903. ↩︎
  26. See New Orleans death certificates, pp. 87 and 578. ↩︎
  27. Sun, 17 Feb 1906. ↩︎
  28. Maryland State Archives, Film CR 48182, CM 1132-139. ↩︎
  29. “Maryland, Baltimore, Loudon Park Cemetery Records, 1853-1986,” 17 Dec 1919, section P -108, entry/permit #63174. ↩︎
  30. Sun, 8 Feb 1895 and 19 February 1897. ↩︎
  31. Living on Lanvale Street, Ward 13, with her parents, five boarders (four of whom were females), and a servant. ↩︎
  32. Sun, 8 Jun 1900 and 17 Sep 1901. ↩︎
  33. Sun, 9 Nov 1900, 23 Mar 1901, 27 May 1901, and 30 Apr 1902. ↩︎
  34. Sun, 16 Jan and 4 Feb 1904. ↩︎
  35. “1908 Annual Educational Report to the monthly meeting of Friends, Park Avenue.”  Blanche was on a faculty of 25 who served 274 students (133 boys and 141 girls). The school offered classes to kindergarteners (20); primary (87), intermediate (102), and high school (65) pupils. Fourteen students were actually Quakers. It had 6 worthy graduates the previous year, who had matriculated at Swarthmore (4), the University of Pennsylvania (1), and Johns Hopkins (1). ↩︎
  36. Sun, 12 Mar 1905, 14 November 1905, 1 Jun 1906, 18 Feb 1909, and 29 Dec 1911. ↩︎
  37. Sun, 29 Oct 1909. On the 1910 US Census, the Fergusons resided at 875 Park Avenue, Baltimore. Lila’s engagement had been announced in the Sun on 15 Apr 1909. ↩︎
  38. Sun, 21 Feb 1923. ↩︎
  39. Sun, 22 Jun 1923. ↩︎
  40. Sun, 15 Jul 1928. ↩︎
  41. New York Times, 15 Nov 1936 (page N 10). ↩︎
  42. My own grandfather, Adelard Morin, was one of several siblings.  The first two, Thomas and Philip, were born in the province of Québec, yet listed as natives of Missouri on the 1900 U.S. Census. Grandpa had the most traditional of given names, which was often misspelled in directories.  In 1908, as a 20-year-old dry goods clerk in St. Joseph, Missouri, he was even identified as “Adelaide.”  No wonder that he signed his name as A. J. and preferred to be called Dee. ↩︎

Ann Guthrow Renaudet Daub(e)court Groc

February 10, 2024

Ann Guthrow Renaudet Daub(e)court Groc (Revised)

The Gauterots (or Guthrows) stand out among Acadian exiles who remained in Maryland.  Joseph Mosley’s marriage records are very limited, but exiles Joseph and Ann Tibodot were married in Newtown, on Maryland’s Eastern Shore, by the Rev. Joseph Mosley on 9 February 1766; Laurence, to Françoise Babin on 18 August 1766; and Mary, to John Lockerman, on 10 May 1767. During that period of time, John was united with Ann Burke in Philadelphia on 12 May 1766.  All four wound up in Baltimore’ French Town, with Joseph and John at 34 and 38 S. Charles, respectively, for many years. 

Joseph and Ann (Tibodot) Guthrow parented two notable children: Ann and Simon (the future doctor). Ann married Pierre Abraham Renaudet in Baltimore in November 1793.  Their license was issued on the 14th, with the ceremony performed on the 17th

The Renaudets had a daughter, Mary, a year later.  Born in November 1794, Mary (or Marie Caroline Victoire) was baptized by Rev. Francis Beeston, St. Peter’s, on 14 January 1795, with sponsors John Changeur (from the West Indian community) and Margaret Gautrot (a relative). 

At some point in time, the Renaudets moved on to New York City.  If there were any further pregnancies, they were not recorded, and in 1800, Mary (Maria, Marie) was noted as the only child. 

In October 1800, Pierre Renaudet found himself in failing health and dictated a will in French from the island of St. Croix. At that time, he explained that he was a native of the province of Saintonge, France, and the son of Pierre Renaudet and Marie Marlat.  He designated his wife Ann as “tutrice” and “gardienne” of their five-and-a-half-year-old, and it was his wish that the young girl be educated in France.  Witnesses to Renaudet’s will in St. Croix included Noël Flaudin, George G. Buffet, and a M. Pélissié (or Pélissier). 

Jean (Jean-Baptiste) Magnac, formerly of the St. Marc quarter in Saint-Domingue and then a resident of New York, was named to assist with the inventory of the estate upon Renaudet’s death.  Magnac’s origins could also be traced to Saintonge.  A coffee grower and businessman, he was involved in Magnac Frères, which participated in the slave trade as “armateurs d’un navire d’esclaves.” 

By 10 March 1801, the Renaudet will was making its way to New York from Frederickstad (on the island of St. Croix) and would be delivered in New York by Silvestre Segretier, himself of a family involved in West Indian sugar and a native of Loiret, France. Segretier presented the will to David Gelston, surrogate of the city of New York.  The handwriting on the will, executed by Peter Rogeirs of St. Croix, was verified by a Mr. Bentzan, late counsellor of his Danish Majesty for St. Croix, and a Mr. Neilson, a judge in the General Dealing Court of St. Croix. It was fortunate for these St. Croix officials to be in New York, for that island, under Danish control since 1754, was occupied by the British at the end of March 1801 until April 1802, at which time it was returned to Denmark-Norway.  

In the March version of the will, the deceased had given Ann “full power of acting for herself and my said daughter as she thinks most fit and becoming” and encouraged her to “recover all that is due to my Estate in any part of the world whatsoever and to give receipt for the same.” Daughter Maria was to receive a “desent mentenance gratis” and to benefit from the inheritance at her marriage or at the age of 21 or at the death of her mother. Pierre’s will called as well for equal donations of five pieces of eight to the “Deanish [sic] Church” and to the Roman Catholic Church of Frederickstad.  For himself, Pierre wished for a quick payment of debts, a decent burial, and “a joyfull resurrection.” 

On 11 July 1801, George Buffet, a perfumer, appeared before David Gelston in New York to acknowledge that he saw Renaudet prepare his will on 4 October 1800, with the aforementioned Flaudin and Pélissié there as witnesses. [All this documentation can be found in the New York Probate Records, 1629-1971, Wills 1796-1806, Vol. 43:449-453, 470-72.] 

By 1803, it is now clear that Ann Renaudet married for a second time to a Francis L. Darcourt, or Daubcourt.  Both were then living in Baltimore.  The marriage has been listed with two dates, but an examination of the Tuesday, 25 January 1803 edition of the Baltimore Telegraphe and Daily Advertiser confirms that the couple was united in January (the 22nd precisely) at the New Jerusalem (Swedenborgian) Church at the southeast corner of Baltimore and Exeter Streets.  Darcourt (also written as Daubecourt in a transcription of New Jerusalem documents for a 22 February wedding) is sort of a mystery man.  Noted only in the 1803 city directory as “Daubcourt” once again – a commission merchant, sworn interpreter, and translator – he is listed with a store at Frederick and Second Streets and a dwelling at 14 Albemarle Street. 

The New Jerusalem Church was headed by John Hargrove, an Irishman who arrived in Baltimore in 1769 in his late teenage years.  Hargrove appears to have been quite a popular figure in town.  Originally ordained as a Methodist minister, he was attracted to the Swedenborgian way in 1798.  An early follower of Swedenborg/Hargrove was Robert Carter, a Virginia planter living in Baltimore who had progressively decided to free his 400+ slaves in the Williamsburg area, much to the consternation of Thomas Jefferson and others who could not imagine so many Blacks finding freedom in rural Virginia or being safe neighbors. 1  

Swedenborgian followers viewed one God as having become man as Jesus (for them, there was a Trinity of one person); one universal Church based on love and charity rather than doctrine.  Some were deeply involved in the mysticism of Emanuel Swedenborg, and there was also a deep appreciation of African Blacks as enlightened.

Hargrove’s popularity extended to the new city of Washington, where, in 1802 and 1804, he gave two sermons at the US Capitol – one attracting the attention of Thomas Jefferson. By all accounts, Hargrove was also seeking government employment and did need to provide for a large family.  His work with the New Jerusalem Church was uncompensated for 32 years until his “retirement” at the age of 80, but he did serve as Baltimore city registrar in the new century to support his family.

The Hargrove connection was not so unusual. A few other persons of French background were married in the New Jerusalem Church: Élie Despeaux and Eliza Harwood (7 Oct 1813); Jean Despeaux and Ann Isabella Ardery (29 Jan 1817); Francis Laroque (born in Saint-Dominigue in 1795) and Sophia Legendre (17 Mar 1817); and Louis Hyppolite Lyvet and Amélie DeChamp (27 Mar 1817).  Church allegiance still wavered, as Élie and Eliza’s son Joseph was baptized at St. Patrick’s Catholic Church in 1815.  Ironically, Hargrove’s daughter Mary (Polly) married James Escavaille, a Catholic, at St. Peter’s on 7 September 1799. On 9 August 1801, Margaret Hargrove was a sponsor for the baptism of Sophie Elizabeth Margaret Escavaille, a child who would die in October 1802.  In 1803, Mary Escavaille unfortunately passed away in Martinique. 

Ann Renaudet’s life with Daubcourt/Darcourt lacks detail.  Ann returned to her previous married name by 1807 at the latest. Then, she witnessed the second marriage of Margaret Guthrow Minchin and Peter Cox at St. Peter’s on 1 February.  Margaret had previously strayed from the Catholic fold and wed Humphrey Minchin at St. Paul’s Episcopal Church on 2 June 1803. That brief marriage ended with Minchin’s death in the summer of 1805.

Ann’s flirtation with the New Jerusalem Church was apparently short-lived. In 1808, she enrolled her daughter Marie Caroline at Elizabeth Seton’s school on Baltimore’s Paca Street.  At that time, she was also one of the female managers at the Catholic orphaline charity school.  

She found herself as a Catholic baptismal sponsor for Margaret Mooney in 1812; lone sponsor in 1813 for Napoleon Bonaparte Zacharie and George Henry Louis, a person of color; and, additionally, for Nicolas Griffith, a fourteen-year-old (1814), her nephew John Lawrence Alexander Guthrow (1815), and Eliza Stone (1816).  Her daughter Maria Renaudet served in the same role in 1812, 1813, and 1815. As mentioned in Becoming the Frenchified State of Maryland 1:601, Ann was a Baltimore mail liaison for Mother Elizabeth Seton at Emmitsburg. After marrying the octogenarian Jean Groc in 1817, she dutifully appeared again as a sponsor in 1819 and 1826. 

Maria Renaudet married Jacob Frederick Hertzog at St. Peter’s on 6 July 1818.  A native of Frankfurt, Germany, Jacob was approximately twelve years older.  On 27 May 1817, he had declared his intention to seek full American citizenship, with naturalization granted in 1822. In the 1819 city directory, he was listed as an accountant at the corner of Franklin and Courtland Streets.  On the 1820 federal census, the family had three enslaved persons (two of whom under the age of 14) and another female boarder under 25. The couple had two children – John Renaudette (1819) and Julian (1820). 

Life ended early for Maria.  On 19 March 1823, she died of consumption in her 28th year.  Much later, in 1850, her son John was living in St. James Parish, Louisiana, and working as an overseer.  At that time, his household included Madeleine Carré née Deschamps, aged 89.  Madeleine was a former Marylander and daughter of Acadian exiles Louis Deschamps and Marie Tibodeau. [For more on the Deschamps (Deshields) in Louisiana, see Acadians in Maryland in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, 372-76.] 

1 WK 1326, Microfilm 3114, Maryland Center for History and Culture.

The Baltimore Oriole and Yorktown Celebrations of October 1881

October 10, 2023 

We all enjoy the really big events that fall under the categories of jubilees, centennials, and bicentennials.  Our expectations are high beforehand as nations, cities and towns, and organizations plan on pulling out all the bells and whistles and appeal to our deepest emotions. Here in America in 1976, everyone put on a spectacular show.  The Yorktown Victory festivities five years later were not as grand, but they were certainly memorable for historians and allies. Each celebration in its own way had much to offer to different generations, rekindled levels of pride and patriotism, and, quite understandably generated a wealth of new research and publications.   

On a personal and professional level, the Maryland Bicentennial Commission offered me a first occasion to publish.  In 1981, a Smithsonian official allowed my wife and me to don formal dress twice to celebrate Franco-American friendship, as invitees to a concert at Constitution Hall and to a catered fête champêtre on the grounds of Mount Vernon.  Then, in July 1989, our family undertook a monthlong trip to France to renew friendships, to honor that country’s first flirtation with republicanism, and to explore the necessary and the not-quite-so-honorable consequences of another revolution. 

In the coming year, there will be good reason to look back at the life and contributions of the Marquis de Lafayette and his long, triumphal return to America soil that extended from August 1824 to September 1825.  Volume 1 of Becoming the Frenchified State of Maryland deals with the local tributes offered in Baltimore, Annapolis, and Frederick (422-34) at that time, and it is well worth viewing the whole journey through the eyes of his secretary, Auguste Levasseur, as translated by Alan R. Hoffman or in the original published in French in 1829.1 

So what’s all this chatter about an Oriole Pageant in October 1881?  Certainly, the early days of baseball were not a driving force for such a grandiose project. 

The answer can be found in great detail in the pages of the Baltimore Sun.  

Before baseball had developed into our national pastime, the oriole had become a recognizable symbol of our city and state.  The belated sesquicentennial of the birth of Baltimore was such a satisfying venture in 1880 (see BFSMd 1: 573-5) that the city wanted to throw another bash the following year that would promote the region’s energy and the great moments in the march of history.  Why not name it after our beloved bird?  Baltimore would also take advantage of visitors here for the centennial of the great Yorktown battle that forced Britain to give up her designs on defeating the determined Americans and her French allies. 

Preparations for a multi-day festival began in earnest in September 1881.  A three-day event was to take place from Monday, October 10, to Wednesday, October 12.  According to the 13 September edition of the Sun, French inhabitants of Baltimore were looking forward to welcoming the foreign guests and had already chosen to feature a scene depicting Lafayette and his fellow troops in a pageant tied in with the celebrations.  These men had met the night before at Reilly’s Hotel, in the 400 block of West Franklin Street.  They selected H. Bierre and the publisher, Gen. Félix Agnus, to head their local committee, which included the consul, Gabriel de Sibourg, respected scholars Léonce Rabillon Sr. and Paul Francis De Gournay, and other members of the French Benevolent Society.  By 3 October, their roles were even more clearly defined, with Drs. Frederick Chatard Sr. and Jr., and Charles J. Bonaparte among those joining the list. So great was the enthusiasm for entertaining that the Sun published a list of “honorary managers” for the ball to be associated with the celebration – so many that, with adding the expected female escorts, a full dance floor for the Wednesday event appeared to be more than ensured.  At that time as well, more than two dozen floats were already being readied with technical assistance of T. C. De Leon, a southern author, playwright, and newspaper editor in Mobile, Alabama, since 1873, for the city’s parade and outdoor “mystic pageant.”2 French, Italian, Caledonian, German and Black societies, the United Butchers’ Associations, and the Knights of the Golden Eagle3 had already stepped to the forefront. Officials readied Druid Hill Park for numerous activities, and grandstands were being erected in Mount Vernon Square, Howard Street, and at other strategic viewing venues. 

Festivities were projected to begin on Monday the 10th, with an afternoon launch at the Battle Monument fountain and an illumination of the city in the evening. Day 2 would feature athletic events at Newington Park4 and a lacrosse match pitting Baltimore vs. New York, with the famous Gilmore’s Band from the Big Apple invited to perform at the Washington Monument from three to five o’clock that second afternoon. The parade and pageant would take place after sundown.  Day 3 (12 October) would involve further courting of the French guests, a biking event at Druid Hill Park, a tugboat parade in the harbor commencing at the Light Street wharf and proceeding to Fort Carroll,5 and fireworks back at Druid Hill at eight in the evening. All would end with a ticketed grand ball at the Academy of Music, on Howard Street, near Franklin, at $10 per couple. 

As the days of celebration arrived, an autumn chill was in the air and required extra wraps, and the crowds were huge and “all expectations [were] realized” for the outdoor extravaganza on Tuesday.  The newspaper edition of the 12th provided columns of detail and began as such: 

“Under the brilliant moonlight of an October evening in the nineteenth century, beneath the glare of colored lights, in the presence of which the stars almost paled their ineffectual fires, and aided by the witchery of the soft blue sky, came forth last night a procession that pictured the march of the ages, showed that the poetry of the earth is never dead, and with glowing colors, harmony of tone and unity of detail, set out in bold relief the history of civilization.  Everything that has helped to make up the world of today was seen in miniature.”

The parade route extended for nearly five and one-half miles. Units assembled in the Druid Hill corridor at Boundary and Madison Avenues and headed southeast and then to the south along Eutaw Street to the Lexington Market area before turning west on Fayette Street for several blocks to the intersection with Carey at Franklin Square  On negotiating a difficult and slow turn south to reach Baltimore Street, a number of participants temporarily abandoned their historical personae to dance, relax, and beg tobacco products from the crowd before every unit continued eastward all the way to Broadway Street, at Fell’s Point.   There, float figures dismounted, with many continuing their celebration in that area.  At that eastern terminus, it was reported that “the unanimous verdict of the thousands who crowded Broadway last night was that never before had they witnessed so fine a spectacle.” 

The parade, which began at 7:45 and reached Fell’s Point between 10 and 10:30, comprised some forty-one sections that evening.  Mounted police, marshals, musicians, and flagbearers led the extravaganza through the streets, and onlookers were entertained with tableaux representing Egypt, Rome, India, the Middle East, Greece, England, France, and Asia, modern Baltimore, and starring quite a wide range of figures – such as Abraham, Isaac, Moses, Diogenes, Marc Antony, Cleopatra, Caesar, Brutus, Constantine, Buddha, Mohammed, Peter the Hermit, Crusaders, Vikings, Columbus, John Hancock, Washington, De Kalb, Rochambeau, von Steuben, Admiral de Grasse, the Khedive of Egypt, Queen Victoria, and Dr. Elisha Kent Kane (1820-1857), whose travels, Arctic expeditions , and lectures captured the attention of America during his short career.  In the mix, there were other horsemen and a dozen different musical groups – three military bands, bagpipers, the Jubilee Singers6, Emerich’s Band, the Charles Band, and the renowned Gilmore’s Band.7   

Torch bearers, electric and gas lights, and the presence of Chinese lanterns were all helpful in illuminating the route through a city full of VIPS and average folks. There were senators from seven states, State Department and military representatives, municipal officials, and foreign visitors.  The press had its own favored position at the corner of Baltimore and Eutaw. Two special reviewing grandstands at the intersection of Baltimore and Howard Streets were provided by the Merchants and Manufacturers’ Association and decorated with the French and American colors.  There, honored guests were treated to several renditions of “La Marseillaise,” and in attendance as well was the Honorable Ho Shen Chee, secretary of the Chinese embassy in Washington, whose uniform was “almost dazzling in its brilliancy and bewildering in elaborateness.” The Sun, however, pointed out that it was not lost on the crowd that, in spite of the tributes to nations and cultures, the present and future superiority of democratic America was being touted in all the fanfare. And what should appear at the end of the procession but a Baltimore and Ohio Railroad engine in tow! 

Day 3’s activities centered mainly on showing the inquisitive French visitors Baltimore’s commerce and attractions. The morning began with a social call to those guests at the Mt. Vernon Hotel by the welcoming committee, consisting of Count de Sibourg (the consul previously mentioned); his secretary, Mr. Bierre; professors Léonce Rabillon Sr., A. L. Milles, P. F. De Gournay, and Victor Rigueur; G. Peynaud, restaurateur; and Alphonse de Katow, a book subscription dealer. Until that moment, most had not apparently formally met three of the A-listers in town – the Marquis de Rochambeau, General Georges Ernest Boulanger, and a Colonel Bohrant – who were accommodated in that particular establishment. 

After breakfast, the Francophone committee was joined by other gentlemen.  The group split into touring groups of six, with choices of visits to the Peabody Institute, Fort McHenry, the port’s dry dock, the residence of Catholic Archbishop James Gibbons, Druid Hill Park, and the Pimlico race track.  While all this was transpiring, there was the previously mentioned tugboat parade on the water. That evening featured a display of fireworks at Druid Hill at eight o’clock and a ball, at which the French visitors arrived comfortably late at ten o’clock, accompanied by the French minister from Washington and two members of the embassy’s legation. 

Most probably exhausted, the visitors met at City Hall for a fire department demonstration on Thursday the 13th. A committee from the State Department then arrived to escort the French to Washington, where they would remain until the following Monday, before embarking on the steamer City of Peekskill down the Potomac, with a stop at Mount Vernon enroute to the Yorktown centennial.  

1Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825 (Manchester, New Hampshire: Lafayette Press, Inc., 2006, 2007).

2T. C. (Thomas Cooper) De Leon (1839-1914) later penned a book in 1898 entitled Creole carnivals: (Mardi Gras); their ancient origin, American growth and business outcome, with sketches of outside carnivals.

3The Knights were a white Christian male group founded in Baltimore in 1872.  A member had to be educated, physically fit, and civic-minded. The Knights were similar in nature to other secret societies, such as the Knights of Pythias and the Oddfellows, with special rites and members having the opportunity to move up the ranks from pilgrim, to knight, then on to crusader. F. C. Latrobe, the longtime mayor of Baltimore, was a member. Organizational outreach was extended to widows, orphans, the infirm, and the unemployed. Within thirty years of its founding, membership could be claimed in twenty states.

4Newington Park was located on Pennsylvania Avenue (extended) and was the home of the Lord Baltimore Baseball Club from 1872-74.

5According to Wikipedia, Fort Carroll is “a 3.4-acre artificial island and hexagonal sea fort in the middle of the Patapsco River.” It was named for Charles Carroll of Carrollton, but it never was very useful except for its lighthouses.

6The Jubilee Singers were established at Fisk University, Nashville. TN, in 1871. They sang mostly spirituals.

7Gilmore’s Band was led by Patrick Gilmore (1829-1892), an Irish-born American bandmaster who came to the United States in 1848. He served as a band trainer in Massachusetts for the Union Army and was asked to put on a concert in New Orleans at the end of the Civil War.  He helped organize a National Peace Festival on Boston Common in 1869 and a World Peace Jubilee in that city in 1872. Gilmore contributed greatly to the repertoire of American marches.  Known as the first American band leader to feature a saxophone, he had a great influence on John Philip Sousa. (See Wikipedia listing and www.songhall.org/profile/Patrick_S_Gilmore)

Thoughts on the Grand Dérangement

July 28, 2023

Today is known in North America as the Day of Commemoration of the Great Upheaval.  It has already been twenty years since my friend Warren Perrin, of Lafayette and Erath, Louisiana, was successful in having Queen Elizabeth II acknowledge and apologize for orders issued on July 28, 1755 that set off many tragic chapters of history.  Thousands of Acadians were initially deported to the British colonies along the eastern coast of North America and to England; some evaded authorities for a while by hiding in the woods.  A long period of exile and displacement radically changed the lives of a unique people. Because of the Seven Years’ War, France’s loss to Britain, and economic hard times that followed, many Acadians lost their livelihoods and lives; many others adapted the best that they could to new lands, customs, and political authorities. 

As time passed, the Acadian diaspora included resettlement in the Caribbean, Guyana, the Falkland Islands, Louisiana, Europe, and other parts of eastern Canada. Disillusion caused many to redirect their steps forward when conditions allowed. A few did remain in the original American colonies and participated in our own revolution.  I have spent a half-century looking at one small region – my adopted state of Maryland. 

I am thankful to all those who inspired my journey in recognizing the strengths and challenges involved.  I learned much from the experiences of my earliest ancestors in Port Royal, Beaubassin, and Québec and from amazing, dedicated friends, scholars, and acquaintances in Louisiana, Maryland, and New Brunswick.

This summer, I am pleased to announce a greater expansion of this website.  With assistance from my daughter and grandson, several new articles have been added to the blog.  In addition, Vol. 2 of Becoming the Frenchified State of Maryland now has an outlet to grow as more research is processed.  Under the rubric “LAGNIAPPE” there are three new appendices (57-59) and more to come.  A “button” has also been set up to share corrections and clarifications to the two volumes.

For those interested in journals, I am also proud of Judy Riffel’s review of my work in the National Genealogical Society Quarterly, March 2023, pp. 77-78 and the inclusion of a 10,000-word excerpt from Chapter Six of Vol. 1 that has recently appeared in the Spring/Summer edition of the Maryland Historical Magazine, pp. 65-91. For the excerpt, it was a great pleasure partnering with Dr. Martina Kado, who wears many hats at the Maryland Center for History and Culture.

As always, a tip of the hat to fellow historian Marty Guidry, of Baton Rouge, and to Francis O’Neill and Micah Connor in the library at MCHC.  Their friendship and helpful assistance are invaluable as I continue adding to the research online.

The Chameau Family of Maryland

July 23, 2023

Sixte Chameau (Chamaux) of Bordeaux was listed on the 1763 census of Annapolis Acadians sent to the Duc de Nivernois in London.  Noted at the end with Baudit Gonsault and his wife, Joseph and Marguerite (Guthrow) Paillottet, and François Nicolas, Chameau remained in Maryland because of his ties to the water and his marriage to another Annapolis exile, Marie Rose Belhisle.  The marriage date is unknown, but we do know that Sixte and Marie Rose had a child, Marie (Mary, Polly), baptized by Benedict Neale on 5 June 1768.  A son, Étienne, was baptized by Ignatius Matthews in October 1771.  Records also show that daughter Margaret (Peggy) was sacramentally received by Bernard Diderick in 1775 – perhaps born as early as 1773 if we are to believe the age of 92 ascribed to her at her death in 1865.  One last daughter, Elizabeth (Betsy) died in 1838 at the age of 60 or 70 (conflicting sources). A fifth child, Samuel, is later mentioned.

Sixte and family settled in Baltimore by 1773 and purchased land in the French Town quarter on S. Charles Street two years later. Sixte was no longer alive at the time of the 1790 U. S. Census, on which his spouse is listed as the head of the household.  Spouse Marie Rose was also noted in the 1796 Baltimore city directory and would pass away in October 1797, a few months after she had written her will (6:77, 28 June 1797), which mentioned just four children – Mary Shameaud Nery, Elizabeth Shammaud Prevotory, Margaret Shammaud Piette, and Samuel Shammaud (note spelling). Étienne was no longer living, or perhaps, he was then known as Samuel.

Sixte’s sailing days seem to have been numbered by the 1780s. His three daughters married non-Acadians: Polly united with her first spouse, Peter Neary, at St. Paul’s Episcopal Church, on 1 August 1784.  Two of the Neary children would be received into St. Peter’s Catholic Church: Louisa (born 6 April 1791; baptized 6 February 1792) and Peter (born 9 Aug 1792; baptized 2 September 1792). Polly wed a second time, to a tailor, John Martiacq, on 1 February 1798 and lived another 29 years before dying of dropsy in 1827. 

Daughter Peggy’s marriage to John Baptist Piat (Piet) took place at St. Peter’s Catholic Church on 20 September 1790.  She, too, would marry a second time, to William Meredith on 10 February 1803, but at St. Paul’s, like her sister Polly. At that time. It was not known whether her “lost” spouse was still alive after their forced separation in the Saint-Domingue revolts of the early 1790s.  When it was discovered too late that her husband Piet was residing in France, fortune intervened.  The death of her current spouse William in 1808 greatly relieved Bishop Carroll of a moral headache that would have been quite difficult to handle, especially in light of the Merediths then having two children, Thomas and Caroline.  As a widow, Peggy reigned as a respected grande dame until her own death in 1865, at the age of 92. In spite of her earlier indiscretion, Peggy did depart this life with a Requiem Mass at the Cathedral on 3 October. Her Piet son and his descendants married well, yet her two Meredith children each met tragic ends in the 1820s (see 1:439-440).

Betsy’s story remains a little more mysterious.  If she were indeed born as late as 1778, she would have been just 14 years old when she first appeared in the St. Peter’s records as Betsy Provotary (or Provotori), a baptismal sponsor for her aforementioned niece Louisa Neary (1792) and Sophia Teucas (26 August 1792). She was also identified as a sponsor with her maiden name Elizabeth Chameau at the Margaret White baptism (12 October 1794); with her full name of Elizabeth Provotory [sic] at the baptismal ceremony for Lewis Priestly (19 June 1806); and at least one more time, as Mrs. Prevetory, for her grandniece Mary Caroline Tucker (26 July 1827, St. Patrick’s). 

No record of Betsy’s marriage date can be found in Baltimore.  In any case, her spouse was Antoine Provotary, a man born on the Aegean island of Mille (sic – Milos) about 1758.  In 1787, after 4 years of residence in Saint-Domingue, Antoine applied for naturalité. Described as a “natif de Grece, habitant de Saint-Domingue,” Antoine was then living in St. Anne parish in “Lance a veau” (sic – Lanceaveaux).  His detailed application comprises 56 pages and can be found on the Archives nationales d’outre-mer website (anom.culture.gouv.fr.).1

The Provotary naturalization process began on 28 August 1786, with the official signature of Achille Huet de Lachelle, the conseiller du roy et lieutenant de juge civil criminel de police at Petit-Goâve. An interesting coincidence, because the Huet de Lachelle family will later be mentioned extensively in Vol. 1 of Becoming the Frenchified State of Maryland, not only for Achille’s governmental and Masonic leadership, but also for his wife’s claim to a portion of the Charles White inheritance, their son’s career in Baltimore, and the fortunes of granddaughters Adele and Fanny.2

In the Saint-Domingue papers, Antoine explained that he had come from Greece to assist a cousin in his fishing business. Earning his living as a pêcheur and navigateur, he was named as the sole inheritor of his relative Sieur Cyprien Jean Nicole’s “propriété considérable,” which included an annuity of 10,000 in local currency, a 20-ton boat named La Fortune, three dinghies, 12 enslaved persons who served as fishermen, a horse, cargo, bottles, utensils, Campeche wood, and other items. According to the documentation, Nicole, who also claimed Mille (Mil [sic], or Milos as his birthplace) and Nippes as his residence in southern Saint-Domingue, was about 48 years old at his death.

Antoine’s application for naturalization required Nicole’s death certificate, a certificate de catholicité from the parish priest, and an acte de notoriété from respected locals and the commandant at Petit-Goâve confirming his desire to stay on the island, his bonne reputation, and moeurs inapprochables (high moral character).  There is no mention of his marriage to Elizabeth Chameau nor any marriage or birth references in the many original records of the état civil that can be found online from the Archives nationales d’outre-mer.

As Saint-Domingue became a tinder box for revolt, Elizabeth obviously went back to Baltimore, as attested on baptismal registers there indicating her presence as sponsor.  

Antoine could not stay safely in Saint-Domingue either.  Fast forward in time: a passport issued in New Orleans on 13 September 1814 described him as 56 years old, 5’6” in height, gray hair, hazel eyes, brown complexion, and an inhabitant of Louisiana “on the 30th day of April 1803 and ever since . . . a resident of the city of New Orleans (surname spelled “Provatory”).3 A year and a half later, we learn that Antoine has died apart from Elizabeth: “Antoine Prasatory (sic), Greek, former resident of Santo Domingo, where he married, sp. living reportedly in Baltimore, ca. 75 yr., i. Feb 25, 1816, d. Feb 24, 1816 in the Faubourg Marigny in this parish” (St. Louis Cathedral, F11, 21).

Apparently, Antoine’s age in 1816 has been reversed from 57 to 75!  Curious as well is a birth recorded in New Orleans claiming the deceased cousin Nicol(e) as father to a son born in 1812!  Surely a mistake has been made, but I leave this information for consideration by other researchers:

Jean Baptiste Prevotory (Nicol, native of Milo in Greece, and Elisabeth Lacouve, native of Petit-Goave on Santo Domingo) b. [baptized] Sep. 22, 1812, bn. Jun. 17, 1812. s. Jean Baptista Meneget, Venetian, and Marie Gertrude Cadez Arnaud, infant’s sister, all residents of this parish (St. Louis Cathedral, B25, 45)

What is certain, however, is that Annette (Ann Catherine) Prevatori, a daughter from the union of Antoine and Betsy Chameau, married James Salenave, a boatbuilder on Fell’s Point in Baltimore, on 3 December 1819.  The wedding at St. Patrick’s Church, with the Rev. Jean François Moranvillé officiating, was reported in the Baltimore Patriot.  

Annette ‘disappears’ from St. Patrick’s records. Fortunately, it is possible to follow James through city directories all the way to his death. His estate was subject to probate in August 1837 (Baltimore County, 16:316). Annette is absent as a legatee; just her mother Elizabeth is involved. The latter’s own burial will be noted a year later, on 9 August 1838, after having succumbed to a chest tumor the previous day (St. Patrick’s Death and Interments, microfilm 3129, Maryland Center for History and Culture; Interments, Cathedral of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, microfilm 3184, Maryland Center for History and Culture).

1Cote de communication: COL E 343; Cote d’archives: COL E 343; Producteur: Secrétariat d’État à la Marine; Identifiant ark: ark:/61561/up424tnrutsf; Date(s) extrême(s) du dossier: 1786/1787.

 2See pp. 391, 428, 463, and 465-67.

3U.S. Citizenship Affidavits of US-born Seamen at Select Ports, 1792-1869, microfilm 1826, roll 06, image 299, National Archives and Records Administration (642).  Of course, Provotary was not actually born in America as the file suggests.

The Politics of War

May 3, 2023 (with additions on July 26, 2023)

In reading the chapter on the Landry Family in Volume 1 of Becoming the Frenchified State of Maryland, all should agree that Eliza M. C. Landry was a unique and energetic woman in nineteenth-century Baltimore. She is covered extensively on pages 349-86.

Eliza was quite loyal to her siblings and to her religious beliefs.  After the deaths of her sisters, Rose White and Harriet Gold, she kept a good eye on Harriet’s survivors until her own passing in February 1870, at the age of 77.

As stated previously, many Marylanders were supportive of the Confederate cause. For that reason and because Baltimore was just 40-some miles from the national capital, the state’s most populous city was under federal martial law from the very beginning of the war. John B. Piet III, a Catholic, was threatened in his position as a publisher and bookseller with strong Southern sympathies (1:503-4). 

In the fall of 1864, Eliza’s nephew, Charles W. Gold, was being detained at Fort Warren, a P.O.W. camp on Georges Island, at the entrance to Boston harbor.  Having heard that he was ill, Aunt Eliza took it upon herself to write the Office of the Commissary General of Prisoners in Washington on 23 October to make sure that his spiritual needs were being attended to. The following is the reply from “W. Hoffman, Com’y Gen’l Pris:”

Madam:

          Your note of the 23rd inst, requesting that Charles W. Gold a Prisoner at Fort Warren may enjoy the sacraments of the Church in his last moments has been referred to this office and in reply I beg to say that such privileges have not been refused to prisoners, and when a request is made to the Commanding Officer to permit a clergyman to visit Mr. Gold under the circumstances you mention he will be admitted.

The good news is that Gold survived his confinement and was freed by an order from Major H. A. Allen to an official at the fort, dated 15 January 1865:

Sir,

I have the honor to report that Charles W. Gold, late master of the prize Schooner Swallow, was released yesterday the 14th inst upon his taking the oath of allegiance in pursuance of instructions received from the Hon. Sec’y of the Navy.

The signed oath, with the countersignature of William Ray, can still be viewed today. As an extra benefit for researchers, it is known from this document that the seaman and Georgia volunteer measured 5’7¼” and possessed a dark complexion, black hair, and hazel eyes. 

Charles remained active after the Civil War, then was lost at sea on a mini-schooner that the forty-two-year-old was commanding as he sailed to France in the summer of 1867 (see 1:385 for a description of this ill-fated venture).

1https://www.fold3.com/image/251631131.

2https://www.fold3.com/image/286616008.

3https://fold3.com/image/251631130.

Dr. Giraud

May 2, 2023 (with additions on July 16, 2023)

Some forty-six years after his death in Baltimore in 1839 at the age of 82+, Dr. John J. Giraud was back in the news in the 6 August 1885 edition of the Sun. It appears that his will was being contested in France, and it was even suggested that two Girauds had resided in the city.

Much of the issue stems, in this historian’s opinion, from the anglicization of the physician’s given names and two wedding ceremonies with Ann Harriet Wheeler, in 1796 and in 1826.  The first union took place on 18 Jun 1796, at the First Baptist Church, Baltimore (Rev. Lewis Richards, MS 690, Maryland Center for History and Culture, as noted in Robert Barnes, Maryland Marriages, 1778-1800, Genealogical Publishing Co., 1978). 

John James/Jean Jacques Giraud practiced medicine in Baltimore from the 1790s until his passing. Clearly identified as Jean Jacques at his marriage to Ann Harriet Wheeler at the cathedral on 13 December 1826 (Archbishop Maréchal officiating), Giraud had been listed in the very first city directory in 1796, where he was noted as part of I. I. [sic, J.J.] Giraud & Co., druggists and chemists, 40 Baltimore Street, and as John James Giraud, surgeon and apothecary, Bond Street, Fell’s Point.  From 1802 to 1833-34, he was located at four different addresses on South Street, and, at one point in the final years of his life, on Water Street, near the bridge.  In the inventory of his estate in 1840, Baltimore County Register of Wills, 49:574, his name is reduced to John J.  Two of his children with Harriet (Harriot) had passed away in 1804 (Catharine Adelaide, 3 yrs. 2 mos.) and 1811 (Emmeline, about 18 mos.).  Note that these burials recorded at St. Peter’s greatly preceded in time his Catholic nuptials with Harriet.

In any case, widow Ann H. is noted in Inventories, Register of Wills, 69:65 in 1853.  A son, Dr. Augustus T. Giraud, appears in the 1842 city directory on Lombard Street, west of Front Street.

The aforementioned notice in the Sun in 1885 mentions that Étienne Richard, of Passage de l’Avenir 36, St. Onen [sic – St. Ouen], Préfecture de Paris, had asked Baltimore’s mayor to hand over to the “presiding judge of the Baltimore bench” an inquiry contesting estate heirs following the death of Augustus John Turenne Giraud, on 28 June 1880.  In short, Monsieur Richard was in someone’s employ in France to investigate legal “obstacles in the way of the proper heirs getting their rights.”  It was suggested that “there has been some error in regard to the identity of two Girauds,” so M. Richard petitioned the mayor and chief justice “to aid him in securing justice.”

Dr. Giraud, the father, had originally left $11,859 in his will, with two-thirds given to Augustus and one-third distributed to Ann H.  Further complicating the matter later on was the fact that Augustus left no will in 1880.  When affairs were thought to be resolved in 1884, the estate of the son was determined to be nearly $15,000.  Upon settlement, three individuals – W. N. Robertson, Mary E. Mann, and Eliza Dacamara – each received a net of $4200.

It just goes to show that dying intestate can complicate matters and that the evolution of one’s name – however practical in an American setting – might cause some confusion in legal documents.

For those wishing more, it may be beneficial to view official documents in the Giraud genealogical file, Filing Case A, Box 70, Maryland Center for History and Culture, Baltimore, Papers from the 1880s. Claimants to the family inheritance included Catherine Giraud, supposedly a niece of the doctor residing in Fleurieux, France (département of the Rhône), and Louisa Giraud, a grandniece in Nîmes (département of the Gard).  The “genealogist” assisting in the case wrote that “no act of Decease can be found,” yet that date and a will from 1839 (Baltimore County, 17:257) are known and mentioned in the second volume of my work.  It was thought that Giraud probably had sailed for the Antilles in 1789 or 1790 to escape family issues in France and that he subsequently acquired a large fortune in the United States!

Baltimore’s Historic Attraction to French Doctors

April 30, 2023

Last week at a book festival I had a long conversation with an Ellicott City physician about Francophones in the medical field who set up practices in Baltimore in the nineteenth century. The Chatard dynasty and James J. Giraud were just a few to be considered.

In the summer of 1857, a classified ad in the Sun [29 June] announced a “French Medical House” at 16 South Frederick Street:

>>Dr. A Huet has returned to this establishment, founded by him over fifteen years ago, and resumed his former practice. Distant patients and others who were disappointed during his absence may now apply with the certainty of being cured of any of those complaints in which Dr. H. has been so eminently successful for thirty odd years, viz: Consumption, Bronchitis, Disease of the Heart, Premature Decline, and all the train of infirmities arising from improper indulgences, excess or imprudence in youth or adults. See his Book on those complaints, to be had at his office.

>>Those who had their disease palliated or driven into the system by Buchu, &c., or rendered almost incurable by Mercury, or who have been otherwise maltreated, may rely upon having their systems thoroughly cleansed, and every vestige of the disease fully eradicated by a short course of Dr. H.’s treatment. Recollect he still continues his former method of guaranteeing his cures.

>>TO STRANGERS. – Dr. H. is the only regular Physician of the Baltimore Faculty who advertises; is also a member of several other faculties in this country and Europe, and a graduate of the medical school of Paris, as his diploma will show.”

Some time back, Francis O’Neill, the longtime Reference Librarian at the Library of the Maryland Center for History and Culture, passed on to me an article that he had photocopied from a 1913 issue of the Maryland Medical Journal, in which an address by Dr. William J. Todd was read before the Baltimore County Medical Association on the previous 16 July. Dr. Todd was honoring a colleague, Dr. A. V. Cherbonnier, a retired United States Army officer.

A.V. hailed from a medical family. His father Pierre had been a naval medical officer who decided to leave Bonapartist France to seek his fortune first in New York and then in New Orleans. A native of Saintes, in the southwest of France, Pierre settled in Harford County, Maryland, in 1830, where he remarried.1 His son Pierre Ovide was the first of two children to receive medical degrees as well, returning to the States in 1840 after completing his studies at the University of Paris. Pierre Ovide took up residence in Baltimore and then in Talbot County. His younger brother, A. V., was just fourteen years old when Pierre returned. St. Mary’s College in Baltimore records show him enrolled under the name Victor from 1840 to 1842. In 1848, he graduated from the University of Maryland, having “read medicine with Professor Dunbar” before spending a year in New York City hospitals to gain more experience. He established a practice in a rented home on Belair Road and then moved in 1855 to another rental in Mount Washington. That second office, on Falls Road, was owned by Victor Sirata, Rev. Louis Régis Deluol’s nephew who came to America in 1832. A little later, Cherbonnier purchased a stone cottage and three acres in the Slabtown, or Hampden, area and remained there until he joined the Union cause in 1862 as an acting assistant surgeon. A veteran of the devastating battle of Antietam, A. V. served in Frederick, Annapolis, Baltimore, Camp Parole, and Washington, DC. Named a captain in the Army Medical Corps, he was assigned to St. Louis (twice), Santa Fe, San Antonio, and New York, retiring in October 1890.

The doctor had three marriages and was known as a sort of bon vivant and an avid card and chess player.

1 Pierre helped organize the French Citizens’ Association in the Spring of 1854 and served as its first president (Sun, 5 May 1854). He passed away at the age of 85 on 5 Apr 1866 (Sun, 6 Apr 1866).

Source: William J. Todd, MD, “The Medical Fathers of Baltimore County, Maryland,” Maryland Medical Journal, Vo. 56, No. 11 (November, 1913), 287-290.